By Jamey Dunn
In an unprecedented move, Gov. Pat Quinn has canceled Illinois government's contract with the state’s largest public employee union. But leaders of American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees Council 31 say the governor’s decision will have little effect in the short term.
The state’s contract with AFSCME ran out in June, but both sides agreed to extend it while negotiations continued. The union and the Quinn administration have been working for about a year to try to hammer out a new contract. But the Quinn administration told the union this week that it would no longer extend the expired contract. “Gov. Quinn has cut state spending down to 2008 levels and proposed closing empty or half-empty, very expensive state facilities that are no longer needed. After decades of mismanagement, the state is behind on $8 billion dollars of payments to vendors, including social service agencies. And the state’s pension shortfall has risen to $96 billion – the worst of the 50 states,” Abdon Pallasch, a Quinn budget spokesman, said in a written statement. “During 11 months of bargaining, the state has extended the contract three times and made significant efforts to compromise. But the government employees' union, which has not offered a single proposal to deal with retirement health care, continues to seek millions of dollars in pay hikes the taxpayers can’t afford to give them. It has refused to recognize the extraordinary financial crisis squeezing the state.We are committed to securing a fair contract that is affordable to the taxpayers during these tough economic times.”
Union officials say that the end of the contract does not mean a government shutdown or employees losing pay or benefits because they say all the terms of the contract also exist in state law. They do, however, argue that the move will hurt employee morale and make it more difficult to reach agreement on a new contract. “While AFSCME is committed to reaching a fair agreement, Pat Quinn seems intent on heading in the wrong direction,” Henry Bayer, executive director of AFSCME Council 31, said in a written statement. “Our union wants constructive engagement, but the governor is choosing confrontation instead.”
Wednesday, November 21, 2012
Tuesday, November 20, 2012
Vote on licenses for undocumented drivers could come next week
By Jamey Dunn
Senate President John Cullerton said he hopes to get legislation allowing undocumented residents to get driver’s licenses through his legislative chamber next week.
The idea has been around for years, but a growing collation, which includes Republicans, Democrats, law enforcement officials, religious groups and business leaders, seems to feel that now is the time to get bill through the General Assembly. Supporters say the measure will make the state’s roads safer because thousands of immigrants currently driving without licenses would have a chance to pass a driving test and become insured. “We want to ensure that all immigrant drivers, including [the estimated] 250,000 undocumented drivers currently unable to obtain a driver’s license, will be able to take that test to buy insurance and obtain that license,” Cullerton, who plans to sponsor the bill in the Senate, said at a Chicago news conference today.
Gov. Pat Quinn said he plans to sign the measure if lawmakers approve it. Quinn said he wants to see the bill passed during the lame-duck session before the new General Assembly is sworn into office in early January. “We have a coalition, a broad coalition of lots and lots of different people and organizations from all across Illinois, who believe in this cause. And we want to pass this bill through the House and Senate. Hopefully in the next couple months—before January 9—it will arrive on my desk, and I intend to sign the bill.”
Backers of the proposal include former Republican Gov. Jim Edgar and current Republican Comptroller Judy Baar Topinka. “It is a piece of legislation that is morally fair, economically sound and politically smart,” Edgar said. The former governor has been urging Republicans to rethink hardline stances on immigration after the country saw high Latino voter turnout for the general election earlier this month and Democrats won big in Illinois. He said license legislation would be a good “first step” toward updating immigration laws to make them more “realistic.” Edgar and Topinka have historically backed proposals to allow undocumented residents to obtain licenses or certificates allowing them to drive. “This has just been a long time in coming. It’s about time,” Topinka said today.
“It’s so important in our society that you’re able to drive, and we know that whether [they] have a license or not, people will drive,” said Edgar, who also has served as Illinois' secretary of state. “I think it’s extremely important that people are tested before they drive. It’s extremely important that people have insurance if they’re going to drive.”
Cullerton, who is a longtime advocate for road safety measures and sponsored the state’s seatbelt law, said that the measure is primarily about highway safety. “Our insurance premium will go down, the crashes on our highways and the fatalities will go down. And we will have a record of people who are stopped for traffic violations. And so it’s really a highway safety measure in my mind. It obviously has some other benefits. It’s very symbolic but it’s also very practical.”
But Lawrence Benito, chief operating officer of the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, said the proposal would mean more to immigrant families than simply becoming legal drivers. For some undocumented immigrants, it could mean the difference between being deported and staying in the country. “For families, for parents who are taking their kids to school, to the local grocery store, or to drive to work, this is an important piece of legislation,” he said. “A routine traffic stop should not end in the deportation or destruction of families.” Benito said that traffic stops are the interactions with law enforcement that most frequently lead to eventual deportation.
Kristen Williamson, a spokeswoman for the Washington-D.C.-based Federation for American Immigration Reform, said that states should not extend services such as driver’s licenses to immigrants who are in the country illegally. “They shouldn’t be provided with the benefits that come along with being legally present in the county and the state.” She said that offering driver’s licenses to undocumented immigrants would encourage illegal immigrants to come to the state.
Williamson agreed that the recent election has made politicians take note of the growing number of Latino voters. “Republicans in Illinois and nationally are feeling pressure to appeal more to Hispanics.” However, she said, Latino voters are interested in more than just immigration. “The economy, education, health care, all of these other issues rank ahead of immigration for Hispanic Americans.”
Senate President John Cullerton said he hopes to get legislation allowing undocumented residents to get driver’s licenses through his legislative chamber next week.
The idea has been around for years, but a growing collation, which includes Republicans, Democrats, law enforcement officials, religious groups and business leaders, seems to feel that now is the time to get bill through the General Assembly. Supporters say the measure will make the state’s roads safer because thousands of immigrants currently driving without licenses would have a chance to pass a driving test and become insured. “We want to ensure that all immigrant drivers, including [the estimated] 250,000 undocumented drivers currently unable to obtain a driver’s license, will be able to take that test to buy insurance and obtain that license,” Cullerton, who plans to sponsor the bill in the Senate, said at a Chicago news conference today.
Gov. Pat Quinn said he plans to sign the measure if lawmakers approve it. Quinn said he wants to see the bill passed during the lame-duck session before the new General Assembly is sworn into office in early January. “We have a coalition, a broad coalition of lots and lots of different people and organizations from all across Illinois, who believe in this cause. And we want to pass this bill through the House and Senate. Hopefully in the next couple months—before January 9—it will arrive on my desk, and I intend to sign the bill.”
Backers of the proposal include former Republican Gov. Jim Edgar and current Republican Comptroller Judy Baar Topinka. “It is a piece of legislation that is morally fair, economically sound and politically smart,” Edgar said. The former governor has been urging Republicans to rethink hardline stances on immigration after the country saw high Latino voter turnout for the general election earlier this month and Democrats won big in Illinois. He said license legislation would be a good “first step” toward updating immigration laws to make them more “realistic.” Edgar and Topinka have historically backed proposals to allow undocumented residents to obtain licenses or certificates allowing them to drive. “This has just been a long time in coming. It’s about time,” Topinka said today.
“It’s so important in our society that you’re able to drive, and we know that whether [they] have a license or not, people will drive,” said Edgar, who also has served as Illinois' secretary of state. “I think it’s extremely important that people are tested before they drive. It’s extremely important that people have insurance if they’re going to drive.”
Cullerton, who is a longtime advocate for road safety measures and sponsored the state’s seatbelt law, said that the measure is primarily about highway safety. “Our insurance premium will go down, the crashes on our highways and the fatalities will go down. And we will have a record of people who are stopped for traffic violations. And so it’s really a highway safety measure in my mind. It obviously has some other benefits. It’s very symbolic but it’s also very practical.”
But Lawrence Benito, chief operating officer of the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, said the proposal would mean more to immigrant families than simply becoming legal drivers. For some undocumented immigrants, it could mean the difference between being deported and staying in the country. “For families, for parents who are taking their kids to school, to the local grocery store, or to drive to work, this is an important piece of legislation,” he said. “A routine traffic stop should not end in the deportation or destruction of families.” Benito said that traffic stops are the interactions with law enforcement that most frequently lead to eventual deportation.
Kristen Williamson, a spokeswoman for the Washington-D.C.-based Federation for American Immigration Reform, said that states should not extend services such as driver’s licenses to immigrants who are in the country illegally. “They shouldn’t be provided with the benefits that come along with being legally present in the county and the state.” She said that offering driver’s licenses to undocumented immigrants would encourage illegal immigrants to come to the state.
Williamson agreed that the recent election has made politicians take note of the growing number of Latino voters. “Republicans in Illinois and nationally are feeling pressure to appeal more to Hispanics.” However, she said, Latino voters are interested in more than just immigration. “The economy, education, health care, all of these other issues rank ahead of immigration for Hispanic Americans.”
Thursday, November 15, 2012
Comptroller: Money for some state programs will run out before the end of the fiscal year
By Jamey Dunn
A new report from the Illinois comptroller’s office predicts that the state budget will not cover costs through the end of the fiscal year.
In her quarterly report, Comptroller Judy Baar Topinka predicts that lawmakers will likely feel compelled to increase spending before June 30, the end of Fiscal Year 2013. “As it stands, underfunding is likely to lead to pressure to increase appropriations later in the fiscal year, as it did last year to fund the state’s child care providers.” Lawmakers voted near the end of FY 2012 to increase spending on child care because money for the program ran out and most wanted to avoid abruptly cutting off funding to providers. The report forecasts that money for employee health insurance, as well as some programs in the Department of Aging, the Department of Human Services and the Department of Child and Family Services, would run out by spring. Topinka wrote that any supplemental funding approved from the General Revenue Fund would throw the budget out of whack, but she said that without additional spending, the amount of bills that would be pushed over into FY 2014 would grow significantly.
However, Topinka warns that if the money is spent without corresponding cuts or revenue increases, the state will not be able to speed up its payment of bills, either. “One thing is certain: Payment processing delays will continue for the foreseeable future,” the report said. “However, the magnitude of the delays and the overall outlook for the state’s fiscal condition will be contingent on the action of the state agencies and the General Assembly throughout the remainder of the fiscal year.” Topinka pegged the backlog of bills as of the end of October at $6.5 billion. Topinka said the state is on track to spend $5 billion in FY 2013 revenues to pay bills from the previous fiscal years.
She said that if no major budget changes occur, the backlog at the end of the current fiscal year would likely be larger than backlog at the end of FY 2012. Revenues from individual and corporate income taxes grew over the quarter, while money from sales tax dipped. But the report said that sales taxes were on the rebound at the end of October. Topinka also noted that more gambling revenue would be coming in the near future because Illinois has started granting video poker licenses to bars, restaurants and other approved establishments.
A new report from the Illinois comptroller’s office predicts that the state budget will not cover costs through the end of the fiscal year.
In her quarterly report, Comptroller Judy Baar Topinka predicts that lawmakers will likely feel compelled to increase spending before June 30, the end of Fiscal Year 2013. “As it stands, underfunding is likely to lead to pressure to increase appropriations later in the fiscal year, as it did last year to fund the state’s child care providers.” Lawmakers voted near the end of FY 2012 to increase spending on child care because money for the program ran out and most wanted to avoid abruptly cutting off funding to providers. The report forecasts that money for employee health insurance, as well as some programs in the Department of Aging, the Department of Human Services and the Department of Child and Family Services, would run out by spring. Topinka wrote that any supplemental funding approved from the General Revenue Fund would throw the budget out of whack, but she said that without additional spending, the amount of bills that would be pushed over into FY 2014 would grow significantly.
However, Topinka warns that if the money is spent without corresponding cuts or revenue increases, the state will not be able to speed up its payment of bills, either. “One thing is certain: Payment processing delays will continue for the foreseeable future,” the report said. “However, the magnitude of the delays and the overall outlook for the state’s fiscal condition will be contingent on the action of the state agencies and the General Assembly throughout the remainder of the fiscal year.” Topinka pegged the backlog of bills as of the end of October at $6.5 billion. Topinka said the state is on track to spend $5 billion in FY 2013 revenues to pay bills from the previous fiscal years.
She said that if no major budget changes occur, the backlog at the end of the current fiscal year would likely be larger than backlog at the end of FY 2012. Revenues from individual and corporate income taxes grew over the quarter, while money from sales tax dipped. But the report said that sales taxes were on the rebound at the end of October. Topinka also noted that more gambling revenue would be coming in the near future because Illinois has started granting video poker licenses to bars, restaurants and other approved establishments.
Wednesday, November 14, 2012
Business group calls state pension problem "unfixable"
By Jamey Dunn
The Civic Committee of the Commercial Club of Chicago called the state’s troubled pension system “unfixable” in a memo sent to its members today.
The group’s leadership claims that it is no longer possible to preserve the state’s pension system with the benefit levels currently offered and that proposals that have recently come up for consideration in the legislature would not go far enough toward solving the problem. “While a number of pension reforms have been proposed in the General Assembly, these are half measures at best. Whether they involve token reductions in cost-of-living adjustments, locking in billions of dollars in unfunded retiree health care obligations or other scenarios, these ‘reforms’ are either inefficient or stand to make our state’s fiscal scenario even worse,” the memo stated.
The committee offered four changes to benefits that its leaders said must be included in any “meaningful” pension reform. The memo proposed eliminating all cost-of-living increases for current and future retirees, capping the level of salary that can be used to determine benefits, increasing the retirement age to 67 and shifting the state’s portion of the cost of retiree benefits for educators to K-12 schools outside of Chicago, universities and community colleges over 12 years. The memo said that the four proposals would not fix the problem, but would “slow the bleeding.”
The proposals cut deeper into benefits than any provisions recently up for consideration in the legislature and presumably would also do more to cut pension costs. Some of them mirror past proposals but go one step further. For example, Gov. Pat Quinn proposed increasing the retirement age to 67. But under his plan, the increase would be phased in so those close to retirement when it took effect would not be affected. The committee’s proposal does not include such a phase-in. The plan does not meet what many, including Senate President John Cullerton, see as a constitutional requirement to that prohibits any reduction in pension benefits. Cullerton has said he believes that consideration must be offered for any benefits cut. That is why Senate Bill 1673, which is the bill that lawmakers were debating at the end of the spring legislative session, would have given employees a choice between keeping cost-of-living increases based on compounded interest or state-subsidized retiree health care. There are many who believe even such a consideration violates the protection of pension benefits in the Illinois Constitution.
The Civic Committee based its assertion that the system is “unfixable” upon an in-house actuarial analysis, which it is not releasing publicly at this time. However, in a separate letter to Gov. Pat Quinn, the group’s leaders said that the political climate was also a factor. “We base that statement on more than just the overwhelming numbers. The magnitude of the unfunded obligations, combined with the total lack of political courage to rectify the situation, leads us to believe that our pension systems can no longer be salvaged sufficiently to meet their current obligations.”
“Millionaire CEOs want to slash the modest retirement savings earned by middle-class public servants like teachers, police, nurses and caregivers,” Anders Lindall, spokesman for the American Federation of State County and Municipal Employees Council 31, said in a written statement. “Regrettably, that’s not news. But it is disappointing that the Civic Committee’s letter to the governor is alarmingly fact-free: No mention that the pension debt was mostly caused by politicians who skipped required payments even as public employees always paid their share. No mention that retirees rely on an average pension of just $32,000 a year, with nearly 80 percent not eligible for Social Security.”
Meanwhile, Quinn and House Minority Leader Tom Cross said they have been meeting about pension reforms and are optimistic about passing a bill before the new General Assembly is seated in January. “It’s not a mystery to anybody that we need to fix it. I think the sooner the better. I hope it’s done and believe it can be down in a bipartisan collaborative manner. We had a good meeting the other day, and I hope we can move forward over the next couple months,” Cross told reporters in Chicago.
Quinn danced around the issue of shifting pension costs to schools — the major topic of disagreement between Cross and Chicago Democrats. “Well, I don’t think you should just emphasize one part of it,” Quinn said. “I anticipate over the next couple months we’ll have quite a bit of discussion to iron out the fine points and get it done.” Quinn has been a vocal advocate of the cost shift in the past.
Cross said reductions to cost-of-living increases would likely continue to be a target of those looking to cut pension costs. He also said a change to the retirement age is on his list as a potential component of a reform package. “I think we would agree that the [cost-of-living adjustment] is an area where we can save some significant amounts of money. I think that is probably one of the big big areas where you could do that. I think you can impact when people retire. You can impact through the amount of the [cost-of-living adjustments] ... when people get it.”
The Civic Committee of the Commercial Club of Chicago called the state’s troubled pension system “unfixable” in a memo sent to its members today.
The group’s leadership claims that it is no longer possible to preserve the state’s pension system with the benefit levels currently offered and that proposals that have recently come up for consideration in the legislature would not go far enough toward solving the problem. “While a number of pension reforms have been proposed in the General Assembly, these are half measures at best. Whether they involve token reductions in cost-of-living adjustments, locking in billions of dollars in unfunded retiree health care obligations or other scenarios, these ‘reforms’ are either inefficient or stand to make our state’s fiscal scenario even worse,” the memo stated.
The committee offered four changes to benefits that its leaders said must be included in any “meaningful” pension reform. The memo proposed eliminating all cost-of-living increases for current and future retirees, capping the level of salary that can be used to determine benefits, increasing the retirement age to 67 and shifting the state’s portion of the cost of retiree benefits for educators to K-12 schools outside of Chicago, universities and community colleges over 12 years. The memo said that the four proposals would not fix the problem, but would “slow the bleeding.”
The proposals cut deeper into benefits than any provisions recently up for consideration in the legislature and presumably would also do more to cut pension costs. Some of them mirror past proposals but go one step further. For example, Gov. Pat Quinn proposed increasing the retirement age to 67. But under his plan, the increase would be phased in so those close to retirement when it took effect would not be affected. The committee’s proposal does not include such a phase-in. The plan does not meet what many, including Senate President John Cullerton, see as a constitutional requirement to that prohibits any reduction in pension benefits. Cullerton has said he believes that consideration must be offered for any benefits cut. That is why Senate Bill 1673, which is the bill that lawmakers were debating at the end of the spring legislative session, would have given employees a choice between keeping cost-of-living increases based on compounded interest or state-subsidized retiree health care. There are many who believe even such a consideration violates the protection of pension benefits in the Illinois Constitution.
The Civic Committee based its assertion that the system is “unfixable” upon an in-house actuarial analysis, which it is not releasing publicly at this time. However, in a separate letter to Gov. Pat Quinn, the group’s leaders said that the political climate was also a factor. “We base that statement on more than just the overwhelming numbers. The magnitude of the unfunded obligations, combined with the total lack of political courage to rectify the situation, leads us to believe that our pension systems can no longer be salvaged sufficiently to meet their current obligations.”
“Millionaire CEOs want to slash the modest retirement savings earned by middle-class public servants like teachers, police, nurses and caregivers,” Anders Lindall, spokesman for the American Federation of State County and Municipal Employees Council 31, said in a written statement. “Regrettably, that’s not news. But it is disappointing that the Civic Committee’s letter to the governor is alarmingly fact-free: No mention that the pension debt was mostly caused by politicians who skipped required payments even as public employees always paid their share. No mention that retirees rely on an average pension of just $32,000 a year, with nearly 80 percent not eligible for Social Security.”
Meanwhile, Quinn and House Minority Leader Tom Cross said they have been meeting about pension reforms and are optimistic about passing a bill before the new General Assembly is seated in January. “It’s not a mystery to anybody that we need to fix it. I think the sooner the better. I hope it’s done and believe it can be down in a bipartisan collaborative manner. We had a good meeting the other day, and I hope we can move forward over the next couple months,” Cross told reporters in Chicago.
Quinn danced around the issue of shifting pension costs to schools — the major topic of disagreement between Cross and Chicago Democrats. “Well, I don’t think you should just emphasize one part of it,” Quinn said. “I anticipate over the next couple months we’ll have quite a bit of discussion to iron out the fine points and get it done.” Quinn has been a vocal advocate of the cost shift in the past.
Cross said reductions to cost-of-living increases would likely continue to be a target of those looking to cut pension costs. He also said a change to the retirement age is on his list as a potential component of a reform package. “I think we would agree that the [cost-of-living adjustment] is an area where we can save some significant amounts of money. I think that is probably one of the big big areas where you could do that. I think you can impact when people retire. You can impact through the amount of the [cost-of-living adjustments] ... when people get it.”
Former Dixon comptroller enters guilty plea
Rita Crundwell pleaded guilty in federal court today to embezzling more than $53 million from the city of Dixon when she served as its comptroller.
Prosecutors say that since the 1990s, Crundwell has been funneling money sent from the state to the city into a phony bank account and then using it to fund a lavish lifestyle that included trips, multiple residences, and a horse breeding business. Crundwell pleaded guilty to one charge of wire fraud, and prosecutors reportedly expect that she will receive 15 years and 8 months to 19 years and 7 months in prison, but the defense is seeking 12 years and 7 months to 15 years and 8 months. She will remain free until her sentencing, which is scheduled for February 14.
Crundwell still faces 60 fraud charges in Lee County.
“Rita since the day of her arrest has worked with the government to accomplish the sale of her assets, including her beloved horses, all with the goal of hoping to recoup the losses for the city of Dixon,” Paul Gaziano, Crundwell’s attorney, told reporters in Rockford after she entered her plea. “I think the people of the city of Dixon ought to know that.”
Acting U.S. Attorney Gary Shapiro told reporters that Crundwell’s actions constituted “one of the most significant abuses of public trust I’ve ever seen in Illinois.”
The city of Dixon, which has a population of 15,511 according to the U.S. census, has already begun selling Crundwell’s property to try to recover some of embezzled funds. However, Dixon Mayor Jim Burke said that many of her possessions are not available for sale until the federal case is resolved.
“We were very pleased that she had this guilty plea,” he said. “Lord only knows how long it would have gone on.”
He said the trade-off for residents is that Crundwell will likely get a reduced sentence for her cooperation. However, he said that more sales — such as an online auction of her jewelry, which has an estimated value of more than $500,000 — would proceed and bring some of the stolen revenues back to the town, “which will put people around here in a better mood, I’m sure.”
For a comprehensive look at this case of embezzlement, which has made national headlines, see the current edition of Illinois Issues.
Tuesday, November 13, 2012
Republicans look for lessons from last week's defeats
By Jamey Dunn
After suffering serious losses in last week’s election, Illinois Republicans agree that they have lessons to learn from their defeats. However, what those lessons are depend on whom you talk to.
Many Republicans have taken notice that the demographics in Illinois and across the nation are not shifting in the party’s favor. “What I think we have seen in Illinois is kind of the realignment politically of this state, and it’s something that the Republicans have to really worry about because our base really was the suburbs. That’s really what got us the margin to offset Chicago. That’s not there anymore. In fact, it many not even be Republican anymore,” said former Gov. Jim Edgar, a Republican.
Edgar has been arguing for years that the party must reach out to Latinos. He notes that he and former President George W. Bush both enjoyed some support from Latino voters because they did not take hard lines on immigration policy. “Unfortunately the congressional Republicans took a different approach a few years ago, and I think cost us any support out of the Hispanic community. And I think [failed Republican presidential candidate] Gov. [Mitt] Romney demonstrated that he went the wrong way on that issue, and it hurt him on Election Day.”
Edgar said that some Republicans must change their thinking on immigration to survive politically. “Besides the politics of it, it’s just the right thing to do. We have 10 [million] to 12 million people here who have been here for years undocumented. We need to deal with that. We can’t deport them. And these people contribute.” According to the Pew Research Center’s analysis of exit polls, Latinos made up 10 percent of the national electorate for last week’s election. That number is up from 9 percent in 2008 and 8 percent in 2004. This year, 71 percent of voting Latinos supported President Barack Obama.
“The Republican Party should be a party that appeals to Hispanics,” said John Tillman, chief operating officer of the Illinois Policy Institute. The institute describes itself as a nonpartisan think tank devoted to promoting “free market” ideas and policies. Tillman penned a an opinion piece, "Four Lessons from Election 2012," which can be found at the conservative blog Illinois Review. “I think Republicans are perceived to be hostile to immigrants. I don’t think its true because I’ve talked to enough to know it’s not true.”
Republicans and others seem to agree that the party needs to work on recruiting better candidates who can win in a general election. “It’s not enough to win the primary. You’ve got to win the general election, and you’ve got to find candidates who will be able. Not to sell out your principles, but that can appeal to more than just a bunch of white males. I think we have tendency as a party, we talk too much to each other, and a lot of our folks, they just watch Fox News and they listen to [conservative radio show host Rush] Limbaugh. I think they don’t have an accurate view of the world. So hopefully they have learned,” Edgar said.
Kent Redfield, professor emeritus of political science with the University of Illinois Springfield, said House Minority Leader Tom Cross and Senate Minority Leader Christine Radogno may need to be more hands-on when it comes to scouting candidates and backing them in the Republican primary election. While they may give some financial support, both leaders tend to stay out of the bulk of primary fights and do not typically step in to vocally back a candidate.
Tillman said Republicans need to look beyond familiar faces. “The [Illinois] Republican Party establishment is too focused on recruiting talent on who you know and what relationships you have. Republicans need to broaden their thinking and try to find talent from outside of the party establishment.”
Some say the party's problem is messaging. Sen. Kyle McCarter, who is considering challenging Radogno for her leadership seat, said his caucus should have taken a stronger stand on controversial issues such as budget cuts and pension reform. “As Republicans, we can’t just say, ‘No.’ We’ve got to put some detailed plans on the table that really show how we as a state can get out of this fiscal mess.” Senate Republicans have come together to back a budget plan that they put down on paper, but McCarter said they should have introduced the plan as legislation. “I think it’s something that we should have done in this last session. We should have put that in bill form on the table,” he said. “Since I’ve been here, the leadership of the Republican Party has been much too risk-averse.”
While many blame the new legislative map drawn by Democrats as the primary factor for the sweeping Republican losses, McCarter said it’s more than that. “I don’t think the map is a good enough excuse. There’s two other factors, and that’s money and message, and I think we came up short in both of those,” he said.
Redfield said McCarter has demonstrated that he can bring at least one of the two to the table. “Clearly, McCarter is ready to go. He got conservative money funneled through him [in the 2012 election cycle],” Redfield said. Turning to potentially more conservative leadership might help Senate Republicans find campaign money in the short-term, but it could also make it more difficult to reach those growing demographics that Republicans are currently falling flat with. “It is maybe not the best self-awareness in terms of where the party needs to go to rebuild.”
Dan Proft, a talk show host with WLS radio in Chicago, said that Illinois Republicans do not have a clear platform on many issues that are most important to voters, such as education. “Blame Democrats, and we’re for the opposite of what they’re for. Well that’s not good enough, clearly,” he said. “What’s the Republican Party vision on K-12? Education is important. What is your vision, and how does that compare with the Democrats in charge?”
While he said that Republicans should not refuse to cooperate for the sake of obstruction, Proft, who made a failed bid for the Republican gubernatorial nomination in 2010, said that the current legislative leaders should have gotten better deals on some of the bipartisan plans they agreed to. “They take bread crumbs and really become co-conspirators in bad public policy,” he said. “The approach is not to be the junior partners to the Chicago Democrats.”
Tillman agreed. “The Republican caucuses have been too focused on trying to make bad Democrat policies marginally better rather than having a clear brand-distinguishing alternative vision that they promote vigorously.” He was critical of Republican legislative leaders for their compromises with Democrats. “In terms of the Republican caucuses, with the Democrats having a supermajority, if leaders continue the pattern of seeking a seat at the table rather than providing a clear party-in-exile alternative, the rank and file members, investors and grassroots activists must demand changes. Regardless, the status quo is untenable,” Tillman wrote in his opinion piece.
But Radogno defended her ability to compromise, especially on the recently approved Medicaid reform package. The set of laws is expected to reduce the state’s Medicaid liability by more than $1.5 billion. The deal included $1-a-pack cigarette tax increase and a provision that allowed Cook County to grow its Medicaid program in anticipation of the expansion that will kick in under the Affordable Care Act. Those two components of the plan were in stand-alone bills, and Republicans were able to vote against them without sinking the entire compromise.
“For Sen. Radogno, I think if the Democratic majority put forth a good idea, then she will be willing to support a good idea,” said Radogno spokeswoman Patty Schuh. She said Republicans were able to back Medicaid cuts and reforms that they have been proposing for years. And now, she said, Radogno and others will keep the pressure on Gov. Pat Quinn to ensure that those ideas are implemented.
However, Schuh said proposals to increase taxes, borrow or make spending decisions that would make it difficult to allow the income tax increase to sunset as planned would continue to be nonstarters with Republican leadership in the Senate.
Schuh said that the 19 Republicans who are left in the Senate should not spend their terms sitting on their hands to make a political point. “The one thing to remember is, obviously, our numbers are low, but remember in so many legislative districts in the state of Illinois, 46, 47, 48, 49 percent of the people believe in the message of low taxes, less spending and reining in big government, and those people deserve to be represented.”
Edgar said those who point to the compromises made by legislative leadership as a cause of Republican losses last week are dead wrong. “Most people don’t really know who did what in the legislature. They know the final product,” he said. “If anything, I think the Republicans would be far better off to look like they are willing to reach across the aisle. I think that’s what people want. People don’t want more polarization. If the right wing still thinks that, they didn’t learn anything from this election. They haven’t been out there talking to ordinary folks.”
He added: “I don’t think you can blame Cross and Radogno. The problem is, they had terrible districts and they didn’t have the money. People give to who has power, and we didn’t have the power.”
But Edgar does see a possible bright spot in the future for the party. “The governor’s race in Illinois in two years is huge for the Republican Party. If we can win the governor’s office back, then we have a viable two party system in Illinois,” he said. “But we’ve got to make sure that we have a candidate who not only appeals to Republicans but who also appeals to independents and thoughtful Democrats because you’ve got to have those. There [are] not enough Republicans in the state to get elected dog catcher. You’ve got to go out and get people who don’t view themselves as Republican. That means that you’re going to have to make sure the candidate appeals to the center.”
Edgar warned that Republicans should not look at Quinn’s low public approval ratings and assume they have the governor’s race in the bag. “I think we have an opportunity, but it’s only an opportunity -- no guarantee. We’ve got to get our act together.”
After suffering serious losses in last week’s election, Illinois Republicans agree that they have lessons to learn from their defeats. However, what those lessons are depend on whom you talk to.
Many Republicans have taken notice that the demographics in Illinois and across the nation are not shifting in the party’s favor. “What I think we have seen in Illinois is kind of the realignment politically of this state, and it’s something that the Republicans have to really worry about because our base really was the suburbs. That’s really what got us the margin to offset Chicago. That’s not there anymore. In fact, it many not even be Republican anymore,” said former Gov. Jim Edgar, a Republican.
Edgar has been arguing for years that the party must reach out to Latinos. He notes that he and former President George W. Bush both enjoyed some support from Latino voters because they did not take hard lines on immigration policy. “Unfortunately the congressional Republicans took a different approach a few years ago, and I think cost us any support out of the Hispanic community. And I think [failed Republican presidential candidate] Gov. [Mitt] Romney demonstrated that he went the wrong way on that issue, and it hurt him on Election Day.”
Edgar said that some Republicans must change their thinking on immigration to survive politically. “Besides the politics of it, it’s just the right thing to do. We have 10 [million] to 12 million people here who have been here for years undocumented. We need to deal with that. We can’t deport them. And these people contribute.” According to the Pew Research Center’s analysis of exit polls, Latinos made up 10 percent of the national electorate for last week’s election. That number is up from 9 percent in 2008 and 8 percent in 2004. This year, 71 percent of voting Latinos supported President Barack Obama.
“The Republican Party should be a party that appeals to Hispanics,” said John Tillman, chief operating officer of the Illinois Policy Institute. The institute describes itself as a nonpartisan think tank devoted to promoting “free market” ideas and policies. Tillman penned a an opinion piece, "Four Lessons from Election 2012," which can be found at the conservative blog Illinois Review. “I think Republicans are perceived to be hostile to immigrants. I don’t think its true because I’ve talked to enough to know it’s not true.”
Republicans and others seem to agree that the party needs to work on recruiting better candidates who can win in a general election. “It’s not enough to win the primary. You’ve got to win the general election, and you’ve got to find candidates who will be able. Not to sell out your principles, but that can appeal to more than just a bunch of white males. I think we have tendency as a party, we talk too much to each other, and a lot of our folks, they just watch Fox News and they listen to [conservative radio show host Rush] Limbaugh. I think they don’t have an accurate view of the world. So hopefully they have learned,” Edgar said.
Kent Redfield, professor emeritus of political science with the University of Illinois Springfield, said House Minority Leader Tom Cross and Senate Minority Leader Christine Radogno may need to be more hands-on when it comes to scouting candidates and backing them in the Republican primary election. While they may give some financial support, both leaders tend to stay out of the bulk of primary fights and do not typically step in to vocally back a candidate.
Tillman said Republicans need to look beyond familiar faces. “The [Illinois] Republican Party establishment is too focused on recruiting talent on who you know and what relationships you have. Republicans need to broaden their thinking and try to find talent from outside of the party establishment.”
Some say the party's problem is messaging. Sen. Kyle McCarter, who is considering challenging Radogno for her leadership seat, said his caucus should have taken a stronger stand on controversial issues such as budget cuts and pension reform. “As Republicans, we can’t just say, ‘No.’ We’ve got to put some detailed plans on the table that really show how we as a state can get out of this fiscal mess.” Senate Republicans have come together to back a budget plan that they put down on paper, but McCarter said they should have introduced the plan as legislation. “I think it’s something that we should have done in this last session. We should have put that in bill form on the table,” he said. “Since I’ve been here, the leadership of the Republican Party has been much too risk-averse.”
While many blame the new legislative map drawn by Democrats as the primary factor for the sweeping Republican losses, McCarter said it’s more than that. “I don’t think the map is a good enough excuse. There’s two other factors, and that’s money and message, and I think we came up short in both of those,” he said.
Redfield said McCarter has demonstrated that he can bring at least one of the two to the table. “Clearly, McCarter is ready to go. He got conservative money funneled through him [in the 2012 election cycle],” Redfield said. Turning to potentially more conservative leadership might help Senate Republicans find campaign money in the short-term, but it could also make it more difficult to reach those growing demographics that Republicans are currently falling flat with. “It is maybe not the best self-awareness in terms of where the party needs to go to rebuild.”
Dan Proft, a talk show host with WLS radio in Chicago, said that Illinois Republicans do not have a clear platform on many issues that are most important to voters, such as education. “Blame Democrats, and we’re for the opposite of what they’re for. Well that’s not good enough, clearly,” he said. “What’s the Republican Party vision on K-12? Education is important. What is your vision, and how does that compare with the Democrats in charge?”
While he said that Republicans should not refuse to cooperate for the sake of obstruction, Proft, who made a failed bid for the Republican gubernatorial nomination in 2010, said that the current legislative leaders should have gotten better deals on some of the bipartisan plans they agreed to. “They take bread crumbs and really become co-conspirators in bad public policy,” he said. “The approach is not to be the junior partners to the Chicago Democrats.”
Tillman agreed. “The Republican caucuses have been too focused on trying to make bad Democrat policies marginally better rather than having a clear brand-distinguishing alternative vision that they promote vigorously.” He was critical of Republican legislative leaders for their compromises with Democrats. “In terms of the Republican caucuses, with the Democrats having a supermajority, if leaders continue the pattern of seeking a seat at the table rather than providing a clear party-in-exile alternative, the rank and file members, investors and grassroots activists must demand changes. Regardless, the status quo is untenable,” Tillman wrote in his opinion piece.
But Radogno defended her ability to compromise, especially on the recently approved Medicaid reform package. The set of laws is expected to reduce the state’s Medicaid liability by more than $1.5 billion. The deal included $1-a-pack cigarette tax increase and a provision that allowed Cook County to grow its Medicaid program in anticipation of the expansion that will kick in under the Affordable Care Act. Those two components of the plan were in stand-alone bills, and Republicans were able to vote against them without sinking the entire compromise.
“For Sen. Radogno, I think if the Democratic majority put forth a good idea, then she will be willing to support a good idea,” said Radogno spokeswoman Patty Schuh. She said Republicans were able to back Medicaid cuts and reforms that they have been proposing for years. And now, she said, Radogno and others will keep the pressure on Gov. Pat Quinn to ensure that those ideas are implemented.
However, Schuh said proposals to increase taxes, borrow or make spending decisions that would make it difficult to allow the income tax increase to sunset as planned would continue to be nonstarters with Republican leadership in the Senate.
Schuh said that the 19 Republicans who are left in the Senate should not spend their terms sitting on their hands to make a political point. “The one thing to remember is, obviously, our numbers are low, but remember in so many legislative districts in the state of Illinois, 46, 47, 48, 49 percent of the people believe in the message of low taxes, less spending and reining in big government, and those people deserve to be represented.”
Edgar said those who point to the compromises made by legislative leadership as a cause of Republican losses last week are dead wrong. “Most people don’t really know who did what in the legislature. They know the final product,” he said. “If anything, I think the Republicans would be far better off to look like they are willing to reach across the aisle. I think that’s what people want. People don’t want more polarization. If the right wing still thinks that, they didn’t learn anything from this election. They haven’t been out there talking to ordinary folks.”
He added: “I don’t think you can blame Cross and Radogno. The problem is, they had terrible districts and they didn’t have the money. People give to who has power, and we didn’t have the power.”
But Edgar does see a possible bright spot in the future for the party. “The governor’s race in Illinois in two years is huge for the Republican Party. If we can win the governor’s office back, then we have a viable two party system in Illinois,” he said. “But we’ve got to make sure that we have a candidate who not only appeals to Republicans but who also appeals to independents and thoughtful Democrats because you’ve got to have those. There [are] not enough Republicans in the state to get elected dog catcher. You’ve got to go out and get people who don’t view themselves as Republican. That means that you’re going to have to make sure the candidate appeals to the center.”
Edgar warned that Republicans should not look at Quinn’s low public approval ratings and assume they have the governor’s race in the bag. “I think we have an opportunity, but it’s only an opportunity -- no guarantee. We’ve got to get our act together.”
Thursday, November 08, 2012
Illinois Republicans search for reasons for election losses
By Jamey Dunn
After suffering crushing electoral defeats on Tuesday that left Democrats with veto-proof majorities in both chambers of the General Assembly, Illinois Republicans are left trying to sort out the causes for their big losses.
The new legislative map drawn by Democrats, along with voters turning out to support President Barack Obama in his home state, did not do Illinois Republicans any favors. But many agree that the party faces more challenges that cannot all be attributed to the new map.
“Obviously, the Democrat map performed as the Democrats intended,” said Patty Schuh, a spokeswoman for Senate Minority Leader Christine Radogno. “They designed the map to ensure victory, and under the process in place in Illinois, that’s how it works.” Schuh noted that in recent decades, the party that draws the map has always picked up seats in the first race under new legislative districts. She called Tuesday’s results a continuation of that trend.
However, Schuh said that Radogno does think the party needs to take a hard look at itself and the way it does business. “The Republican Party and its elected officials need to examine everything. We really need to step back and learn lessons from this election cycle.”
Republican state Treasurer Dan Rutherford also said that the map played a role. “But that’s not the only reason. The other reason is that the Republican brand is damaged.”
Dan Proft, a talk show host with WLS radio, agreed. “We don’t have a brand. The brand doesn’t exist, and to the extent it does exist in people’s minds, it’s not a brand that a lot of people are buying.” Proft, who made his own failed bid for the Republican nomination in the 2010 governor's race, said that some of the Illinois Republicans who were defeated on Tuesday were solid candidates but “lost under the weight of the Illinois Republican Party’s brand.” He said the party has fallen into a campaigning rut that has lasted more than a decade. “Republicans have quite literally run the same campaigns in the same way with the same messaging for the better part of the last 15 years.”
Rutherford said that litmus tests on social issues are hurting the party brand. Rutherford, who was the only Senate Republican who voted in favor of Illinois’ civil unions law and describes himself as pro-life, said that Republicans should not have to conform their beliefs on social issues to be considered good members of the party. “There are good-quality Republicans that are pro-choice.” Rutherford said it is Republican fiscal policies that resonate. “Where we will earn the right to once again govern is by defining ourselves with regard to taxes, debt and spending.”
Sen. Kyle McCarter, a Lebanon Republican, said that taking the emphasis off social issues was a mistake the party made in this cycle. “We should take another lesson, and that is that running from positions on social issues didn’t work, either,” he said. “Our Republican leadership in the Senate instructed a number of our candidates to not get close to, and not take a stand on, social issues. People want to know where you stand. They don’t necessarily need to agree with you on every, issue, but they need to trust you.” McCarter said he is considering challenging Radogno for the Senate minority leader position.
Another problem facing Republicans is changing demographics. Minority groups, which tend to vote Democratic, are growing. Nationwide, Republicans struggled to connect with female voters. “Part of the generic Republican problem is that the electorate is changing,” said Kent Redfield, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Illinois Springfield. He added, “African-American and Hispanic voters make up a larger percentage of the electorate in Illinois than they do nationally.”
Rutherford attributed his 2010 win in the race for his current office to his efforts at targeting minority voters. “I think a great part of success is just showing up, and then two things when you are there are: Don’t be a scary Republican; and two, being sensitive to the fact that they care about the same things that I care about,” he said. “They want a safe neighborhood. They want to have a job and they want reasonable taxes. And I think that’s the common denominator.
Proft said the party’s lack of support from Latino voters stems from something bigger than any single issue, such as immigration. He said it comes from a perception that the party does not care about the Latino community. “What the Latino voters seem to be saying is that: ‘Republicans don’t like me. They’re not interested in me, so I’m not interested in them.’”
Redfield said that unless there is a change of course, things could only get worse for Republicans. “If the demographic changes continue through this decade that we saw last decade, then the map is probably going to get more difficult than what we’ve seen this year.” He said it is all but impossible for the party to take back the majority in either chamber in 2014. “If they pick up 10 seats in either chamber, they are still short of the majority.”
He said the losses might also make it more difficult to raise campaign funds. “People want to give money to winners, and they want to give money to people who have access to power.”
Redfield said the party would need to invest in 2014 to protect incumbents who had closer-than-expected races this time around. “It’s just a very difficult task to figure out where they’re going to spend their money and how much defense do they need to play. And whatever defense they play means less money for playing offense.”
After suffering crushing electoral defeats on Tuesday that left Democrats with veto-proof majorities in both chambers of the General Assembly, Illinois Republicans are left trying to sort out the causes for their big losses.
The new legislative map drawn by Democrats, along with voters turning out to support President Barack Obama in his home state, did not do Illinois Republicans any favors. But many agree that the party faces more challenges that cannot all be attributed to the new map.
“Obviously, the Democrat map performed as the Democrats intended,” said Patty Schuh, a spokeswoman for Senate Minority Leader Christine Radogno. “They designed the map to ensure victory, and under the process in place in Illinois, that’s how it works.” Schuh noted that in recent decades, the party that draws the map has always picked up seats in the first race under new legislative districts. She called Tuesday’s results a continuation of that trend.
However, Schuh said that Radogno does think the party needs to take a hard look at itself and the way it does business. “The Republican Party and its elected officials need to examine everything. We really need to step back and learn lessons from this election cycle.”
Republican state Treasurer Dan Rutherford also said that the map played a role. “But that’s not the only reason. The other reason is that the Republican brand is damaged.”
Dan Proft, a talk show host with WLS radio, agreed. “We don’t have a brand. The brand doesn’t exist, and to the extent it does exist in people’s minds, it’s not a brand that a lot of people are buying.” Proft, who made his own failed bid for the Republican nomination in the 2010 governor's race, said that some of the Illinois Republicans who were defeated on Tuesday were solid candidates but “lost under the weight of the Illinois Republican Party’s brand.” He said the party has fallen into a campaigning rut that has lasted more than a decade. “Republicans have quite literally run the same campaigns in the same way with the same messaging for the better part of the last 15 years.”
Rutherford said that litmus tests on social issues are hurting the party brand. Rutherford, who was the only Senate Republican who voted in favor of Illinois’ civil unions law and describes himself as pro-life, said that Republicans should not have to conform their beliefs on social issues to be considered good members of the party. “There are good-quality Republicans that are pro-choice.” Rutherford said it is Republican fiscal policies that resonate. “Where we will earn the right to once again govern is by defining ourselves with regard to taxes, debt and spending.”
Sen. Kyle McCarter, a Lebanon Republican, said that taking the emphasis off social issues was a mistake the party made in this cycle. “We should take another lesson, and that is that running from positions on social issues didn’t work, either,” he said. “Our Republican leadership in the Senate instructed a number of our candidates to not get close to, and not take a stand on, social issues. People want to know where you stand. They don’t necessarily need to agree with you on every, issue, but they need to trust you.” McCarter said he is considering challenging Radogno for the Senate minority leader position.
Another problem facing Republicans is changing demographics. Minority groups, which tend to vote Democratic, are growing. Nationwide, Republicans struggled to connect with female voters. “Part of the generic Republican problem is that the electorate is changing,” said Kent Redfield, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Illinois Springfield. He added, “African-American and Hispanic voters make up a larger percentage of the electorate in Illinois than they do nationally.”
Rutherford attributed his 2010 win in the race for his current office to his efforts at targeting minority voters. “I think a great part of success is just showing up, and then two things when you are there are: Don’t be a scary Republican; and two, being sensitive to the fact that they care about the same things that I care about,” he said. “They want a safe neighborhood. They want to have a job and they want reasonable taxes. And I think that’s the common denominator.
Proft said the party’s lack of support from Latino voters stems from something bigger than any single issue, such as immigration. He said it comes from a perception that the party does not care about the Latino community. “What the Latino voters seem to be saying is that: ‘Republicans don’t like me. They’re not interested in me, so I’m not interested in them.’”
Redfield said that unless there is a change of course, things could only get worse for Republicans. “If the demographic changes continue through this decade that we saw last decade, then the map is probably going to get more difficult than what we’ve seen this year.” He said it is all but impossible for the party to take back the majority in either chamber in 2014. “If they pick up 10 seats in either chamber, they are still short of the majority.”
He said the losses might also make it more difficult to raise campaign funds. “People want to give money to winners, and they want to give money to people who have access to power.”
Redfield said the party would need to invest in 2014 to protect incumbents who had closer-than-expected races this time around. “It’s just a very difficult task to figure out where they’re going to spend their money and how much defense do they need to play. And whatever defense they play means less money for playing offense.”
Wednesday, November 07, 2012
Stars align for big Illinois Democratic wins
By Jamey Dunn
Not only did Democratic incumbents facing competitive races for the General Assembly hang onto their seats yesterday, Illinois Democrats emerged from the election with veto-proof majorities in both chambers.
“Senate President John Cullerton and House Speaker Michael Madigan have to feel pretty good about their new muscle today and their new recruits,” said John Jackson, a visiting professor with the Paul Simon Public Policy Institute at the Southern Illinois University in Carbondale. In the General Assembly that will be sworn in in January, Democrats will hold 71 House seats to the Republicans' 47, and 40 Senate seats, shrinking the Republican Senate caucus to 19 members. This means that if legislative Democrats unify behind a bill, not even Gov. Pat Quinn’s veto pen can put a stop to it.
When asked if the majorities weakened his power, Quinn told reporters in Chicago today, “not at all.” He noted that the Democrats are a diverse bunch who come from all areas of the state. “I think it’s important to see that the Democratic Party made great inroads in suburban communities, and I think that’s helpful for our democracy in Illinois. It’s not just one party in one part of our state.” Quinn was not a public face on any legislative campaigns, perhaps because of his abysmal public approval rating. An October poll from the Chicago Tribune pegged the governor’s approval rating at 26 percent. However, he claimed some credit today for Democratic victories. “I helped a lot of the folks who won yesterday, and I’m very happy they won. I think we have the opportunity to have a progressive majority in Illinois to make reforms that are necessary and overdue.” When asked what “progressive reforms” he would like to see happen, Quinn said his focus is on pension reform, economic growth and jobs. He would not give a direct answer to questions about the possibility of the new majorities giving a boost to issues such as same-sex marriage or gambling expansions. When Democrat Sam Yingling, who beat Republican Rep. Sandy Cole in the 62nd Illinois House, is seated in January, he will be one of four openly gay House members.
Schaumburg Democratic Rep. Michelle Mussman, Northbrook Democratic Rep. Elaine Nekrtiz, Park Ridge Democratic Sen. Dan Kotowski, Peoria Democratic Sen. David Koehler, Rushville Democratic Sen. John Sullivan, Alton Democratic Sen. William Haine and East Moline Democratic Sen. Mike Jacobs all faced aggressive Republican challenges, and all will return in the next General Assembly.
Even ousted former Rep. Derrick Smith will be returning to the Statehouse. Smith was booted after being arrested on charges of taking a bribe just a week before the primary. However, he won the Democratic nomination for the 10th Illinois House District. On Tuesday, Smith handily beat challenger Unity Party candidate Lance Tyson — despite Tyson’s backing from several prominent members of the Democratic Party, including Quinn.
Democrats also rolled back the Republican wave that gave the GOP control of the state’s congressional delegation in 2010. Republicans picked up five seats that year, but Democrats were able to capture five of the six seats that were in play this time around. Democrats picked up victories in the Chicago suburbs, where Tammy Duckworth beat Republican U.S. Rep. Joe Walsh in the 8th Congressional District, Brad Schneider defeated U.S. Rep. Robert Dold in the 10th and former Democratic Bill Foster beat current U.S. Rep. Judy Biggert, a Republican, in the 11th Congressional District. Democrat Cheri Bustos won the 17th Congressional District over Republican U.S. Rep. Bobby Schilling. In the southeastern part of the state, Democrat Bill Enyart prevailed over Republican Jason Plummer in the 12th Congressional District.
Republicans will likely retain the seat in the 13th Congressional District, currently held by Republican U.S. Rep. Timothy Johnson, who is retiring at the end of his current term. While Democrat David Gill has yet to concede to Republican Rodney Davis, unofficial results show that Davis is up by more than 1,200 votes.
Many are attributing the Democrats' big wins in Illinois to their drawing of the new legislative map. Because they hold both chambers of the General Assembly and the governor’s office, Democrats were able to draw new state legislative and congressional districts without input from Republicans. “The map has got a lot to do with it, I think, undoubtedly,” said Christopher Mooney, a political science professor at the University of Illinois Springfield. Mooney added that enthusiasm for President Barack Obama in his home state might have brought more Democrats out to the polls. Jackson agreed. “To me, the huge difference between [20]10 and [20]12 is the size and shape of the electorate.” He said the backlash over the Affordable Care Act and the rise of the Tea Party brought out populations that are more typically Republican, such as white and older voters in 2010. “It was kind of a totally different snapshot demographically.” He said Tuesday’s race brought out an electorate more like the one that sent Obama to the White House in 2008.
But Mooney said that not all the success could be attributed solely to the map or Obama’s coattails. He noted that Democrats picked up some state legislative seats that were not explicitly drawn as Democratic districts. “If a candidate just worked hard, and if you’ve got a lot of time to walk and knock on a lot of doors, that can have an impact in an open seat race.”
Still, many veteran Statehouse watchers did not expect the sweeping nature of the Democratic victories in Illinois. “I’m surprised that almost all of the contested races tilted ultimately to the Democrats. You can expect that in Chicago, but I did not [expect it] across downstate,” Jackson said.
“It’s just [that] all the stars were in alignment for them, and everything broke their way,” Mooney said of Illinois Democrats. “Sometimes you’re the windshield, and sometimes you’re the bug. And they were certainty the windshield this time around.”
Not only did Democratic incumbents facing competitive races for the General Assembly hang onto their seats yesterday, Illinois Democrats emerged from the election with veto-proof majorities in both chambers.
“Senate President John Cullerton and House Speaker Michael Madigan have to feel pretty good about their new muscle today and their new recruits,” said John Jackson, a visiting professor with the Paul Simon Public Policy Institute at the Southern Illinois University in Carbondale. In the General Assembly that will be sworn in in January, Democrats will hold 71 House seats to the Republicans' 47, and 40 Senate seats, shrinking the Republican Senate caucus to 19 members. This means that if legislative Democrats unify behind a bill, not even Gov. Pat Quinn’s veto pen can put a stop to it.
When asked if the majorities weakened his power, Quinn told reporters in Chicago today, “not at all.” He noted that the Democrats are a diverse bunch who come from all areas of the state. “I think it’s important to see that the Democratic Party made great inroads in suburban communities, and I think that’s helpful for our democracy in Illinois. It’s not just one party in one part of our state.” Quinn was not a public face on any legislative campaigns, perhaps because of his abysmal public approval rating. An October poll from the Chicago Tribune pegged the governor’s approval rating at 26 percent. However, he claimed some credit today for Democratic victories. “I helped a lot of the folks who won yesterday, and I’m very happy they won. I think we have the opportunity to have a progressive majority in Illinois to make reforms that are necessary and overdue.” When asked what “progressive reforms” he would like to see happen, Quinn said his focus is on pension reform, economic growth and jobs. He would not give a direct answer to questions about the possibility of the new majorities giving a boost to issues such as same-sex marriage or gambling expansions. When Democrat Sam Yingling, who beat Republican Rep. Sandy Cole in the 62nd Illinois House, is seated in January, he will be one of four openly gay House members.
Schaumburg Democratic Rep. Michelle Mussman, Northbrook Democratic Rep. Elaine Nekrtiz, Park Ridge Democratic Sen. Dan Kotowski, Peoria Democratic Sen. David Koehler, Rushville Democratic Sen. John Sullivan, Alton Democratic Sen. William Haine and East Moline Democratic Sen. Mike Jacobs all faced aggressive Republican challenges, and all will return in the next General Assembly.
Even ousted former Rep. Derrick Smith will be returning to the Statehouse. Smith was booted after being arrested on charges of taking a bribe just a week before the primary. However, he won the Democratic nomination for the 10th Illinois House District. On Tuesday, Smith handily beat challenger Unity Party candidate Lance Tyson — despite Tyson’s backing from several prominent members of the Democratic Party, including Quinn.
Democrats also rolled back the Republican wave that gave the GOP control of the state’s congressional delegation in 2010. Republicans picked up five seats that year, but Democrats were able to capture five of the six seats that were in play this time around. Democrats picked up victories in the Chicago suburbs, where Tammy Duckworth beat Republican U.S. Rep. Joe Walsh in the 8th Congressional District, Brad Schneider defeated U.S. Rep. Robert Dold in the 10th and former Democratic Bill Foster beat current U.S. Rep. Judy Biggert, a Republican, in the 11th Congressional District. Democrat Cheri Bustos won the 17th Congressional District over Republican U.S. Rep. Bobby Schilling. In the southeastern part of the state, Democrat Bill Enyart prevailed over Republican Jason Plummer in the 12th Congressional District.
Republicans will likely retain the seat in the 13th Congressional District, currently held by Republican U.S. Rep. Timothy Johnson, who is retiring at the end of his current term. While Democrat David Gill has yet to concede to Republican Rodney Davis, unofficial results show that Davis is up by more than 1,200 votes.
Many are attributing the Democrats' big wins in Illinois to their drawing of the new legislative map. Because they hold both chambers of the General Assembly and the governor’s office, Democrats were able to draw new state legislative and congressional districts without input from Republicans. “The map has got a lot to do with it, I think, undoubtedly,” said Christopher Mooney, a political science professor at the University of Illinois Springfield. Mooney added that enthusiasm for President Barack Obama in his home state might have brought more Democrats out to the polls. Jackson agreed. “To me, the huge difference between [20]10 and [20]12 is the size and shape of the electorate.” He said the backlash over the Affordable Care Act and the rise of the Tea Party brought out populations that are more typically Republican, such as white and older voters in 2010. “It was kind of a totally different snapshot demographically.” He said Tuesday’s race brought out an electorate more like the one that sent Obama to the White House in 2008.
But Mooney said that not all the success could be attributed solely to the map or Obama’s coattails. He noted that Democrats picked up some state legislative seats that were not explicitly drawn as Democratic districts. “If a candidate just worked hard, and if you’ve got a lot of time to walk and knock on a lot of doors, that can have an impact in an open seat race.”
Still, many veteran Statehouse watchers did not expect the sweeping nature of the Democratic victories in Illinois. “I’m surprised that almost all of the contested races tilted ultimately to the Democrats. You can expect that in Chicago, but I did not [expect it] across downstate,” Jackson said.
“It’s just [that] all the stars were in alignment for them, and everything broke their way,” Mooney said of Illinois Democrats. “Sometimes you’re the windshield, and sometimes you’re the bug. And they were certainty the windshield this time around.”
Tuesday, November 06, 2012
Election night
I will not be posting on the blog tonight because I am hosting a live webcast called The Count 2012. Tune in for returns and analysis from 7 p.m. to 11 p.m. The show will focus on state legislative and Illinois congressional races.
If you are looking for print and/or localized coverage, here are some sources:
Lee Enterprises
Chicago Tribune
Chicago Sun-Times
The State Journal-Register
WUIS will have local coverage, as well as national NPR coverage.
Check back here tomorrow for analysis of the results.
If you are looking for print and/or localized coverage, here are some sources:
Lee Enterprises
Chicago Tribune
Chicago Sun-Times
The State Journal-Register
WUIS will have local coverage, as well as national NPR coverage.
Check back here tomorrow for analysis of the results.
Congressional races to watch
By Jamey Dunn
With several congressional seats in play, big money has been thrown into Illinois races and big-name politicians are making pitches for candidates as part of the national battle over the U.S. House.
U.S. House Races
8th District
U.S. Rep. Joe Walsh, a Republican from McHenry, may lose his seat to Democratic challenger Tammy Duckworth from Hoffman Estates. The race has been close, but Duckworth, a former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Veterans Affairs, has pulled ahead in the polls in recent weeks.
10th District
U.S. Rep. Robert Dold, a Republican from Kenilworth, is running for reelection in a highly Democratic district created under the recent remap. U.S. Sen. Mark Kirk, who is recovering from a recent stroke, has come out in support of Dold and appeared in a campaign ad. Dold faces Democratic candidate Brad Schneider, a businessman from Deerfield. Kirk was able to hold his U.S. House seat in a similar district for years before he ran for U.S. Senate.
11th District
Kirk also appeared in an online video to throw his support behind Republican U.S. Rep. Judy Biggert of Hinsdale. Former President Bill Clinton voiced a robocall in support of Democratic challenger Bill Foster, a scientist from Naperville. Foster served previously in the U.S. House after being elected in 2008. He lost his seat in the Republican wave of 2010.
12th District
Bill Enyart, a Democrat from Belleville, if facing off against former Republican candidate for lieutenant governor, Jason Plummer from Fairview Heights. Plummer, a naval officer who works for his family’s lumber and hardware store chain, had an early lead in the polls. But according to some recent polling, Enyart, former head of the Illinois National Guard, appears to have bounced back. Those who have been keeping tabs on this race expect it to be close. “When it’s very close, it all comes down to which side does a better job on turning out their troops, and I’m not clear what the prospects there are,” said John Jackson, a visiting professor with the Paul Simon Public Policy Institute at Southern Illinois University. Both Kirk and Clinton have recorded robocalls to support their partys' candidates in the race. Democratic U.S. Rep. Jerry Costello, who is retiring this year, held his seat in this area for more than 24 years.
13th District
After U.S. Rep. Tim Johnson announced his plans to retire, Republicans chose Rodney Davis, a former staffer for U.S. Rep. John Shimkus, to run in the district. David Gill, a doctor from Bloomington, won out in the Democratic primary. John Hartman, an Edwardsville resident and chief financial officer of a genetic research company, is running as an independent. This has been a close race, but some observers are predicting a Davis win. “Davis should win because I think he is a much better fit for the [demographics of the] district,” said Kent Redfield, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Illinois Springfield.
17th District
U.S. Rep. Bobby Schilling of Colona won his seat with backing from the Tea Party in 2010. Democratic challenger Cheri Bustos of East Moline is a former news reporter and East Moline City Council member. This is another close race, with Schilling leading in recent polls.
Jackson predicts that Illinois Democrats will make some gains in Congress, but he predicts that those victories will not turn be enough to place the party back in control of the U.S. House. “I think Democrats are likely to pick up about three of the contested five [seats]. There are five for sure, maybe six, [seats in play],” he said. “But that won’t do it to take back the House.”’
Redfield agreed. He said that Democratic map makers in Illinois may have helped the party have a shot at more congressional seats, but many other states had Republicans in power for redistricting. “There are states where the Democrats are at as much of a disadvantage as the Republicans are here, in terms of who drew the map.” Jackson also cautioned against seeing these races as just about the new map. He points to downstate races, such as the 12th District and the 13th District, where Democrats are putting up fights but in no way have a lock on the seats. “The ability to draw that map, though, is still just a marginal benefit,” he said. “It still didn’t make it a sure win for the Democrats.”
President Barack Obama is obviously favored to win his Democratic-leaning home state over Republican challenger Mitt Romney. Redfield and Jackson both said it is unlikely that either candidate will have powerful enough coattails to decide down-ticket races. However, Jackson said that the presidential race has set the tone and issues for negative ads in congressional and state legislative races. “Everybody gets blasted by being associated with Obama or being associated with Romney,” he said. “It’s just a constant litany of the national ads adapted to the local races.”
With several congressional seats in play, big money has been thrown into Illinois races and big-name politicians are making pitches for candidates as part of the national battle over the U.S. House.
U.S. House Races
8th District
U.S. Rep. Joe Walsh, a Republican from McHenry, may lose his seat to Democratic challenger Tammy Duckworth from Hoffman Estates. The race has been close, but Duckworth, a former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Veterans Affairs, has pulled ahead in the polls in recent weeks.
10th District
U.S. Rep. Robert Dold, a Republican from Kenilworth, is running for reelection in a highly Democratic district created under the recent remap. U.S. Sen. Mark Kirk, who is recovering from a recent stroke, has come out in support of Dold and appeared in a campaign ad. Dold faces Democratic candidate Brad Schneider, a businessman from Deerfield. Kirk was able to hold his U.S. House seat in a similar district for years before he ran for U.S. Senate.
11th District
Kirk also appeared in an online video to throw his support behind Republican U.S. Rep. Judy Biggert of Hinsdale. Former President Bill Clinton voiced a robocall in support of Democratic challenger Bill Foster, a scientist from Naperville. Foster served previously in the U.S. House after being elected in 2008. He lost his seat in the Republican wave of 2010.
12th District
Bill Enyart, a Democrat from Belleville, if facing off against former Republican candidate for lieutenant governor, Jason Plummer from Fairview Heights. Plummer, a naval officer who works for his family’s lumber and hardware store chain, had an early lead in the polls. But according to some recent polling, Enyart, former head of the Illinois National Guard, appears to have bounced back. Those who have been keeping tabs on this race expect it to be close. “When it’s very close, it all comes down to which side does a better job on turning out their troops, and I’m not clear what the prospects there are,” said John Jackson, a visiting professor with the Paul Simon Public Policy Institute at Southern Illinois University. Both Kirk and Clinton have recorded robocalls to support their partys' candidates in the race. Democratic U.S. Rep. Jerry Costello, who is retiring this year, held his seat in this area for more than 24 years.
13th District
After U.S. Rep. Tim Johnson announced his plans to retire, Republicans chose Rodney Davis, a former staffer for U.S. Rep. John Shimkus, to run in the district. David Gill, a doctor from Bloomington, won out in the Democratic primary. John Hartman, an Edwardsville resident and chief financial officer of a genetic research company, is running as an independent. This has been a close race, but some observers are predicting a Davis win. “Davis should win because I think he is a much better fit for the [demographics of the] district,” said Kent Redfield, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Illinois Springfield.
17th District
U.S. Rep. Bobby Schilling of Colona won his seat with backing from the Tea Party in 2010. Democratic challenger Cheri Bustos of East Moline is a former news reporter and East Moline City Council member. This is another close race, with Schilling leading in recent polls.
Jackson predicts that Illinois Democrats will make some gains in Congress, but he predicts that those victories will not turn be enough to place the party back in control of the U.S. House. “I think Democrats are likely to pick up about three of the contested five [seats]. There are five for sure, maybe six, [seats in play],” he said. “But that won’t do it to take back the House.”’
Redfield agreed. He said that Democratic map makers in Illinois may have helped the party have a shot at more congressional seats, but many other states had Republicans in power for redistricting. “There are states where the Democrats are at as much of a disadvantage as the Republicans are here, in terms of who drew the map.” Jackson also cautioned against seeing these races as just about the new map. He points to downstate races, such as the 12th District and the 13th District, where Democrats are putting up fights but in no way have a lock on the seats. “The ability to draw that map, though, is still just a marginal benefit,” he said. “It still didn’t make it a sure win for the Democrats.”
President Barack Obama is obviously favored to win his Democratic-leaning home state over Republican challenger Mitt Romney. Redfield and Jackson both said it is unlikely that either candidate will have powerful enough coattails to decide down-ticket races. However, Jackson said that the presidential race has set the tone and issues for negative ads in congressional and state legislative races. “Everybody gets blasted by being associated with Obama or being associated with Romney,” he said. “It’s just a constant litany of the national ads adapted to the local races.”
Monday, November 05, 2012
State legislative races to watch
By Jamey Dunn
Illinois Senate Races
District 36
The race between Sen. Mike Jacobs, a Democrat from East Moline, and Moline Republican Bill Albracht, a retired Secret Service agent, has become one of the most closely watched battles in the General Assembly and one that many say is too close to call. Jacobs has trailed in some recent polls, but Kent Redfield, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Illinois Springfield, said he is not discounting the power of incumbency, or the fact that Jacobs is the son of a popular retired legislator, former Sen. Denny Jacobs. “It’s hard to know whether people will come home in terms of the name recognition and all of that with him,” Redfield said.
59th District
Republican Mark Minor, a pastor from Ewing, is challenging Sen. Gary Forby, a Benton Democrat. Forby has been pushing back against Gov. Pat Quinn’s proposed closure of corrections facilities in his area. Most incumbent Democrats seem to be avoiding the unpopular governor from their party. However, Forby appears to be one of the only Democrats out there using the governor’s low favorability rating as a plus for his own campaign. “Quinn is a minus for everybody except Forby. He seems to be winning by running against the Democratic governor,” Redfield said.
46th District
Peoria Democratic Sen. David Koehler and Republican Pat Sullivan, a Peoria businessman, have spent almost $1.7 million total in their race. “I think Koehler is all right in the 46th [District], but [Republicans] certainly have spent money there,” Redfield said.
48th District
The most expensive Senate race is also one of the most closely watched. Democrat Andy Manar from Bunker Hill is chairman of the Macoupin County Board and former chief of staff for Senate President John Cullerton. He is running against Decatur Mayor Mike McElroy, a Republican. The two have spent nearly $2.5 million, and the race could break the all-time spending record for a state Senate contest.
28th District
Park Ridge Democratic Sen. Dan Kotowski has faced a tough race against Republican Jim O’Donnell, a Park Ridge businessman.
Illinois House
96th District
Democrats had hoped to carve out a downstate House seat with this district, which includes parts of Springfield and Decatur, and it seems that they may succeed with candidate Sue Scherer, a teacher from Decatur. Scherer has been somewhat cagey with the media and has come under fire for her connections to House Speaker Michael Madigan. Despite the criticisms, she appears to be leading her opponent, Republican Dennis Shackleford, a Rochester businessman.
10th District
Former Rep. Derrick Smith, who was ousted from the House after being arrested on bribery charges, may be returning to that chamber in January. Smith was arrested a week before the primary election but still won the Democratic nomination by a wide margin. Democratic leaders had hopped he would step aside. After he refused, many backed third-party candidate Lance Tyson. But recent polling shows the Chicago lawyer trailing Smith.
52nd District
The most expensive House race is a face off between Barrington Hills independent Dee Beaubien, the widow of the late Rep. Mark Beaubien, and Republican David McSweeney, a Barrington Hills businessman. Rep. Mark Beaubien, who died in June 2011, was a Republican known for crossing the aisle. Dee Beaubien said she ran because she was concerned about what she saw as the party’s shift to the extreme right. She has taken campaign funding from Democrats but has not said which party she would caucus with if elected.
56th District
Northbrook Democratic Rep. Elaine Nekrtiz, who has been a rising star among House Democrats, is facing a heated challenge from Johnathan Greenberg, a rabbi and advocate from Northbrook. Nekrtiz has backed budget cuts and spearheaded recent efforts at pension reforms. She is in a tight race against the self-described moderate Greenberg, who got his start in politics as Democrat.
Redfield said he does not expect Republicans to take the majority in either chamber. He said many Democratic incumbents who were facing tight races have pulled ahead in recent weeks. However, he said that state legislative races are difficult to gauge because unlike national races or races for Congress, almost all of the state-level polling is partisan and conducted by the candidates’ campaigns. “The best polling is the campaigns, but sometimes campaigns lie to themselves.”
Constitutional amendment
Illinoisans will also decide whether the state should change its Constitution to make it more difficult to pass increases in pension benefits for state workers. The constitutional amendment that will appear before voters would require a three-fifths vote by the General Assembly to enhance public employee pension benefits. The amendment has been drawing fire lately and has found few supporters outside of the legislature. For a breakdown on what the amendment does and the arguments for and against it, see the current Illinois Issues.
A legal challenge also has been launched that would have a judge set aside the results of the vote on the proposed amendment. The plaintiffs argue that the wording on the ballot is unclear and could confuse voters. The instructions include language about a constitutional convention, which lawmakers say they did not intend to appear on the ballot unless voters have the option to call a convention. Voters do not have that option this year. For more on the lawsuit and instruction language, see the Illinois Issues blog.
Illinois Senate Races
District 36
The race between Sen. Mike Jacobs, a Democrat from East Moline, and Moline Republican Bill Albracht, a retired Secret Service agent, has become one of the most closely watched battles in the General Assembly and one that many say is too close to call. Jacobs has trailed in some recent polls, but Kent Redfield, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Illinois Springfield, said he is not discounting the power of incumbency, or the fact that Jacobs is the son of a popular retired legislator, former Sen. Denny Jacobs. “It’s hard to know whether people will come home in terms of the name recognition and all of that with him,” Redfield said.
59th District
Republican Mark Minor, a pastor from Ewing, is challenging Sen. Gary Forby, a Benton Democrat. Forby has been pushing back against Gov. Pat Quinn’s proposed closure of corrections facilities in his area. Most incumbent Democrats seem to be avoiding the unpopular governor from their party. However, Forby appears to be one of the only Democrats out there using the governor’s low favorability rating as a plus for his own campaign. “Quinn is a minus for everybody except Forby. He seems to be winning by running against the Democratic governor,” Redfield said.
46th District
Peoria Democratic Sen. David Koehler and Republican Pat Sullivan, a Peoria businessman, have spent almost $1.7 million total in their race. “I think Koehler is all right in the 46th [District], but [Republicans] certainly have spent money there,” Redfield said.
48th District
The most expensive Senate race is also one of the most closely watched. Democrat Andy Manar from Bunker Hill is chairman of the Macoupin County Board and former chief of staff for Senate President John Cullerton. He is running against Decatur Mayor Mike McElroy, a Republican. The two have spent nearly $2.5 million, and the race could break the all-time spending record for a state Senate contest.
28th District
Park Ridge Democratic Sen. Dan Kotowski has faced a tough race against Republican Jim O’Donnell, a Park Ridge businessman.
Illinois House
96th District
Democrats had hoped to carve out a downstate House seat with this district, which includes parts of Springfield and Decatur, and it seems that they may succeed with candidate Sue Scherer, a teacher from Decatur. Scherer has been somewhat cagey with the media and has come under fire for her connections to House Speaker Michael Madigan. Despite the criticisms, she appears to be leading her opponent, Republican Dennis Shackleford, a Rochester businessman.
10th District
Former Rep. Derrick Smith, who was ousted from the House after being arrested on bribery charges, may be returning to that chamber in January. Smith was arrested a week before the primary election but still won the Democratic nomination by a wide margin. Democratic leaders had hopped he would step aside. After he refused, many backed third-party candidate Lance Tyson. But recent polling shows the Chicago lawyer trailing Smith.
52nd District
The most expensive House race is a face off between Barrington Hills independent Dee Beaubien, the widow of the late Rep. Mark Beaubien, and Republican David McSweeney, a Barrington Hills businessman. Rep. Mark Beaubien, who died in June 2011, was a Republican known for crossing the aisle. Dee Beaubien said she ran because she was concerned about what she saw as the party’s shift to the extreme right. She has taken campaign funding from Democrats but has not said which party she would caucus with if elected.
56th District
Northbrook Democratic Rep. Elaine Nekrtiz, who has been a rising star among House Democrats, is facing a heated challenge from Johnathan Greenberg, a rabbi and advocate from Northbrook. Nekrtiz has backed budget cuts and spearheaded recent efforts at pension reforms. She is in a tight race against the self-described moderate Greenberg, who got his start in politics as Democrat.
Redfield said he does not expect Republicans to take the majority in either chamber. He said many Democratic incumbents who were facing tight races have pulled ahead in recent weeks. However, he said that state legislative races are difficult to gauge because unlike national races or races for Congress, almost all of the state-level polling is partisan and conducted by the candidates’ campaigns. “The best polling is the campaigns, but sometimes campaigns lie to themselves.”
Constitutional amendment
Illinoisans will also decide whether the state should change its Constitution to make it more difficult to pass increases in pension benefits for state workers. The constitutional amendment that will appear before voters would require a three-fifths vote by the General Assembly to enhance public employee pension benefits. The amendment has been drawing fire lately and has found few supporters outside of the legislature. For a breakdown on what the amendment does and the arguments for and against it, see the current Illinois Issues.
A legal challenge also has been launched that would have a judge set aside the results of the vote on the proposed amendment. The plaintiffs argue that the wording on the ballot is unclear and could confuse voters. The instructions include language about a constitutional convention, which lawmakers say they did not intend to appear on the ballot unless voters have the option to call a convention. Voters do not have that option this year. For more on the lawsuit and instruction language, see the Illinois Issues blog.
Thursday, November 01, 2012
Unintended ballot language could sink proposed amendment
By Jamey Dunn
Thousands of Illinois voters have already gone to the polls for early voting, but their choice on a proposed constitutional amendment could be set aside because of language that lawmakers did not intend to appear on the ballot.
Last May, legislators approved House Joint Resolution Constitutional Amendment 49, which creates a higher threshold for approving increases in public employee pensions. Currently the legislature can approve such benefits with a simple majority. But if voters approve the amendment that appears on the general election ballot, then a three-fifths majority would be required to pass any pension sweeteners.
But a lawsuit that seeks to nullify the results of the vote on the amendment claims that the ballot instructions given to voters are confusing.
The language in question was approved as part of a piece of legislation that made news for another reason. Senate Bill 3277 allows contribution caps to be tossed out if outside groups spend large amounts to try to influence voters during a campaign. Gov. Pat Quinn signed the bill in July, and the provision has already been applied in a current legislative race where a political action committee spent more than $100,000.
The new law also changed the so-called notice language, which appears on the ballot with the proposed amendment and seeks to explain to voters what their actions could mean in terms of changing the state’s Constitution. The new language says:
The failure to vote this ballot may be the equivalent of a negative vote, because a convention shall be called or the amendment shall become effective if approved by either three-fifths of those voting on the question or a majority of those voting in the election. (This is not to be construed as a direction that your vote is required to be cast either in favor of or in opposition to the proposition herein contained.) Whether you vote this ballot or not you must return it to the election judge when you leave the voting booth.
But voters are not deciding whether the state should hold a convention. Unless there is a push by the legislature for a constitutional convention, the question whether to hold one automatically appears before voters every 20 years. Voters opted not to have a convention when they were asked in 2008. “The language just makes no sense because they are two very different questions?” said John Bambenek, who filed the lawsuit to toss out the election results on the amendment question. “There is no way a convention is going to be called, no matter how you vote.” Bambenek, a Republican, is challenging Sen. Michael Frerichs, a Champaign Democrat, in the upcoming election. He said that he filed the suit, along with a dozen voters, when people started coming to him asking him about the confusing language. It is too late to get the question removed from the ballot, but Bambenek hopes to persuade a judge to set aside the results. “If you are going to ask the voters to do something, what they see on the ballot should be correct.”
“It is confusing. It is introducing right out in front of the voters the idea of a constitutional convention. I’m absolutely floored [that it was included in the ballot language],” said Ann Lousin, a law professor at the John Marshall Law School and a member of the research staff during the 1970 constitutional convention. “I think a mistake obviously occurred, and it could confuse voters.” She said the issue might have been caused by a drafting error when the legislation was written.
However, House Majority Leader Barbara Flynn Currie said lawmakers never intended for both the words “convention” and “amendment” to appear on the ballot. Instead, she said, legislators assumed that the amendment language would be used in situations such as the current one, when an amendment is up for consideration, and the convention language would be used when voters must decide whether a convention should be called. “If this is a call to convention, tell them this. If this is a proposal to amend the Constitution, put in this,” said Currie, who sponsored the bill. But instead, both scenarios made it on the ballot.
Ken Menzel, deputy general counsel for the Illinois State Board of Elections, said that the board signed off on the language sent to them by Secretary of State Jesse White's office. White spokesman David Druker said that the secretary of state's office serves as a pass through and simply takes the language approved by lawmakers and gives it to the election board. “The board of elections gets the question from us, which we get from the General Assembly," he said. Menzel noted that the language appears on the ballot exactly as it does in the new law. “It just got reproduced exactly like the statute says it shall be,” he said. “We don’t always know what [the legislators] intend.”
Currie said she has not read Bambenek’s lawsuit and would not speculate about the possible outcome of the case. However, she said lawmakers might have to revisit the ballot language in the future to avoid more confusion and potential legal challenges. She said that legislators made the changes to let voters know that if they simply skip the ballot questions, it could have the same result as voting “no.” “We thought we were clarifying it,” Currie said.
The notice language has nothing to do with the content of the underlying amendment and would have appeared on the ballot regardless of the subject matter of the amendment. Lousin, who has spoken out in opposition to the amendment itself because she said it leaves the door open to potentially unforeseen legal challenges, warns would-be conspiracy theorists not to read the problem with the notice language as anything more than a simple mistake. “You do not normally have to look for people to be venal. Just look for people to be stupid, and that usually explains things.”
Lousin said there were plenty of chances to catch the mistake. “The state of Illinois through its various agencies, the legislature, the secretary of state’s office, the State Board of Elections, has put some stuff on the ballot that the voters will be confronted with that could be confusing.” But now that it is on the ballot, she said, finger-pointing does little good. “‘Somebody should have said, ‘What convention?’” Lousin said. “It should have been caught. It should have been, but you know, what can we do now?”
Thousands of Illinois voters have already gone to the polls for early voting, but their choice on a proposed constitutional amendment could be set aside because of language that lawmakers did not intend to appear on the ballot.
Last May, legislators approved House Joint Resolution Constitutional Amendment 49, which creates a higher threshold for approving increases in public employee pensions. Currently the legislature can approve such benefits with a simple majority. But if voters approve the amendment that appears on the general election ballot, then a three-fifths majority would be required to pass any pension sweeteners.
But a lawsuit that seeks to nullify the results of the vote on the amendment claims that the ballot instructions given to voters are confusing.
The language in question was approved as part of a piece of legislation that made news for another reason. Senate Bill 3277 allows contribution caps to be tossed out if outside groups spend large amounts to try to influence voters during a campaign. Gov. Pat Quinn signed the bill in July, and the provision has already been applied in a current legislative race where a political action committee spent more than $100,000.
The new law also changed the so-called notice language, which appears on the ballot with the proposed amendment and seeks to explain to voters what their actions could mean in terms of changing the state’s Constitution. The new language says:
The failure to vote this ballot may be the equivalent of a negative vote, because a convention shall be called or the amendment shall become effective if approved by either three-fifths of those voting on the question or a majority of those voting in the election. (This is not to be construed as a direction that your vote is required to be cast either in favor of or in opposition to the proposition herein contained.) Whether you vote this ballot or not you must return it to the election judge when you leave the voting booth.
But voters are not deciding whether the state should hold a convention. Unless there is a push by the legislature for a constitutional convention, the question whether to hold one automatically appears before voters every 20 years. Voters opted not to have a convention when they were asked in 2008. “The language just makes no sense because they are two very different questions?” said John Bambenek, who filed the lawsuit to toss out the election results on the amendment question. “There is no way a convention is going to be called, no matter how you vote.” Bambenek, a Republican, is challenging Sen. Michael Frerichs, a Champaign Democrat, in the upcoming election. He said that he filed the suit, along with a dozen voters, when people started coming to him asking him about the confusing language. It is too late to get the question removed from the ballot, but Bambenek hopes to persuade a judge to set aside the results. “If you are going to ask the voters to do something, what they see on the ballot should be correct.”
“It is confusing. It is introducing right out in front of the voters the idea of a constitutional convention. I’m absolutely floored [that it was included in the ballot language],” said Ann Lousin, a law professor at the John Marshall Law School and a member of the research staff during the 1970 constitutional convention. “I think a mistake obviously occurred, and it could confuse voters.” She said the issue might have been caused by a drafting error when the legislation was written.
However, House Majority Leader Barbara Flynn Currie said lawmakers never intended for both the words “convention” and “amendment” to appear on the ballot. Instead, she said, legislators assumed that the amendment language would be used in situations such as the current one, when an amendment is up for consideration, and the convention language would be used when voters must decide whether a convention should be called. “If this is a call to convention, tell them this. If this is a proposal to amend the Constitution, put in this,” said Currie, who sponsored the bill. But instead, both scenarios made it on the ballot.
Ken Menzel, deputy general counsel for the Illinois State Board of Elections, said that the board signed off on the language sent to them by Secretary of State Jesse White's office. White spokesman David Druker said that the secretary of state's office serves as a pass through and simply takes the language approved by lawmakers and gives it to the election board. “The board of elections gets the question from us, which we get from the General Assembly," he said. Menzel noted that the language appears on the ballot exactly as it does in the new law. “It just got reproduced exactly like the statute says it shall be,” he said. “We don’t always know what [the legislators] intend.”
Currie said she has not read Bambenek’s lawsuit and would not speculate about the possible outcome of the case. However, she said lawmakers might have to revisit the ballot language in the future to avoid more confusion and potential legal challenges. She said that legislators made the changes to let voters know that if they simply skip the ballot questions, it could have the same result as voting “no.” “We thought we were clarifying it,” Currie said.
The notice language has nothing to do with the content of the underlying amendment and would have appeared on the ballot regardless of the subject matter of the amendment. Lousin, who has spoken out in opposition to the amendment itself because she said it leaves the door open to potentially unforeseen legal challenges, warns would-be conspiracy theorists not to read the problem with the notice language as anything more than a simple mistake. “You do not normally have to look for people to be venal. Just look for people to be stupid, and that usually explains things.”
Lousin said there were plenty of chances to catch the mistake. “The state of Illinois through its various agencies, the legislature, the secretary of state’s office, the State Board of Elections, has put some stuff on the ballot that the voters will be confronted with that could be confusing.” But now that it is on the ballot, she said, finger-pointing does little good. “‘Somebody should have said, ‘What convention?’” Lousin said. “It should have been caught. It should have been, but you know, what can we do now?”
Tuesday, October 30, 2012
New legislative map contributes to high-dollar races
By Jamey Dunn
At least one race for the Illinois General Assembly is on target to break an all-time spending record, and another race has seen contribution limits tossed thanks to a new law.
More than $2 million has been spent in the state Senate race between Democrat Andy Manar and Republican Mike McElroy. The spending total in the 48th District will likely break the 2010 record of more than $2.7 million spent on a Senate race. That record was set when Republican Sam McCann unseated Democratic incumbent Deanna Demuzio. McCann is running unopposed in the general election this year.
David Morrison, deputy director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, said that part of the reason the race is so expensive is the district itself. It includes parts of Springfield and Decatur and stretches diagonally down to the southwest portion of the state, stopping short of the Metro East area. The size of the district leaves candidates with the need to buy airtime for ads in several areas. “You’ve got to buy time at both ends,” he said.
Morrison said the same factor could be driving fundraising in what will likely prove to be the most expensive appellate court race this year. Of the $1.45 million raised by candidates for judge across the state, more than a third was raised in the race for an opening on the appellate bench in Illinois’ Fifth Judicial District. Democrat Judy Cates has raised almost $410,000, while her Republican opponent, Stephen McGlynn, raised almost $140,000. “It’s the far southernmost part of the state; it’s the least populated of the five judicial districts,” Morrison said. “If you’re going to go on TV you’re talking St. Louis, Paducah, Springfield, Decatur a bunch of different markets to cover the whole area.” He added, “In most of those markets, you’re paying for viewers who can’t vote for you” because only a small potion of the viewership in each market lives within the district.
A new Illinois law that tosses out campaign contribution limits if an outside group spends more than $100,000 in a state legislative race has been triggered in one instance so far this general election. Personal PAC, a pro-choice political action committee, has spent more than $150,000 opposing Republican candidate Joe Neal in the 31st Illinois Senate District. Neal and his opponent, Democrat Melinda Bush, do not have to abide my donation caps when accepting money form supporters. This is the first time the provision has gone into practice since Gov. Pat Quinn signed it into law in July.
The new law is based on a stipulation in previous campaign finance reforms that allows the limits to be tossed when candidates put more than $100,000 of their own money into their own campaigns. In the 52nd Illinois House District, both independent Dee Beaubien and Republican David McSweeney have injected more than $100,000 of their private funds into their campaigns. The total spending for their race tops $1.5 million. Six competitive Illinois House races have surpassed the $1 million mark for total spending, and at least one more is edging close to becoming a $1 million race.
However, Kent Redfield, an emeritus professor at the University of Illinois Springfield and director of the Sunshine Project, a nonprofit campaign contribution database connected to the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, said it is unlikely that the $2 million all-time House spending record will be broken. That record was set in 2010 by Democrat Jay Hoffman and Republican Dwight Kay. Redfield said that Hoffman, an incumbent who lost the race, drove up the spending by infusing his campaign with large sums of his own money. Redfield also says the new legislative maps play a role in the high dollar races. He said that Democrats, who drew the map, are playing offense in the suburbs and spending while trying to pick up more seats. However, they were unable to draw truly safe districts for many downstate incumbents because downstate Illinois has begun to lean more to Republicans. So, those incumbents are spending big bucks to try to hang onto their jobs, while Republicans are willing to spend more on challenges that may give them a shot at unseating Democrats.
So far, the five most expensive Senate races after the 48th District involve incumbent Democrats fighting for their political lives. Redfield says this trend too is driven by geography and demographics. Southern Illinois has seen a drop in population, so districts must be larger to contain enough residents. This means that the Democratic strongholds that do exist downstate, which are often population centers, can become diluted in large districts that also contain rural voters, who are more typically Republican. “The Democrats were able to protect House districts downstate better than they were able to protect the Senate districts just because of how large the Senate districts have to be.” But Redfield said that despite the tough races, it is unlikely that Democrats would lose their majority control in either chamber. “I would still be surprised if the Democrats were in trouble overall in either the House or the Senate.”
While this is the first election under an Illinois Supreme Court ruling that allows political action committees (PACs) to raise and spend unlimited funds on their own, Redfield said he is uncertain on whether the change has brought an influx of new political money into this campaign season. “I don’t know how much of it is new money versus old money and how much of it is [candidates and parties] getting around limits [by filtering money through PACs].” He said it will take some time to unravel where money came from, especially money from national organizations and non-profit groups with certain tax designations that do not have to specifically disclose each donation. Redfield notes that the current totals aren’t the whole story. “A lot of the money hasn’t been spent, but some of it hasn’t been reported. They may spend some more at the tail end here.”
Morrison said that everyone watching how campaigns are funded is adjusting to the new reality of the so-called super PACs and the rise of unlimited spending that is done independently of campaigns. “I think we’re still at the early stage in the learning curve of independent expenditures. It’s a new way for money to flow. Reporters and the public alike are not really sure how to keep track of it.”
The ICPR launched a new online tool this week to track spending in the most expensive state races. The site is based on numbers from the Illinois State Board of Elections website, which is updated in real time when candidates electronically file their disclosures. The ICPR site takes about an hour to update after candidates file. However, it is a simple way to compare all the top-spending races at a glance, including independent spending by outside groups.
At least one race for the Illinois General Assembly is on target to break an all-time spending record, and another race has seen contribution limits tossed thanks to a new law.
More than $2 million has been spent in the state Senate race between Democrat Andy Manar and Republican Mike McElroy. The spending total in the 48th District will likely break the 2010 record of more than $2.7 million spent on a Senate race. That record was set when Republican Sam McCann unseated Democratic incumbent Deanna Demuzio. McCann is running unopposed in the general election this year.
David Morrison, deputy director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, said that part of the reason the race is so expensive is the district itself. It includes parts of Springfield and Decatur and stretches diagonally down to the southwest portion of the state, stopping short of the Metro East area. The size of the district leaves candidates with the need to buy airtime for ads in several areas. “You’ve got to buy time at both ends,” he said.
Morrison said the same factor could be driving fundraising in what will likely prove to be the most expensive appellate court race this year. Of the $1.45 million raised by candidates for judge across the state, more than a third was raised in the race for an opening on the appellate bench in Illinois’ Fifth Judicial District. Democrat Judy Cates has raised almost $410,000, while her Republican opponent, Stephen McGlynn, raised almost $140,000. “It’s the far southernmost part of the state; it’s the least populated of the five judicial districts,” Morrison said. “If you’re going to go on TV you’re talking St. Louis, Paducah, Springfield, Decatur a bunch of different markets to cover the whole area.” He added, “In most of those markets, you’re paying for viewers who can’t vote for you” because only a small potion of the viewership in each market lives within the district.
A new Illinois law that tosses out campaign contribution limits if an outside group spends more than $100,000 in a state legislative race has been triggered in one instance so far this general election. Personal PAC, a pro-choice political action committee, has spent more than $150,000 opposing Republican candidate Joe Neal in the 31st Illinois Senate District. Neal and his opponent, Democrat Melinda Bush, do not have to abide my donation caps when accepting money form supporters. This is the first time the provision has gone into practice since Gov. Pat Quinn signed it into law in July.
The new law is based on a stipulation in previous campaign finance reforms that allows the limits to be tossed when candidates put more than $100,000 of their own money into their own campaigns. In the 52nd Illinois House District, both independent Dee Beaubien and Republican David McSweeney have injected more than $100,000 of their private funds into their campaigns. The total spending for their race tops $1.5 million. Six competitive Illinois House races have surpassed the $1 million mark for total spending, and at least one more is edging close to becoming a $1 million race.
However, Kent Redfield, an emeritus professor at the University of Illinois Springfield and director of the Sunshine Project, a nonprofit campaign contribution database connected to the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, said it is unlikely that the $2 million all-time House spending record will be broken. That record was set in 2010 by Democrat Jay Hoffman and Republican Dwight Kay. Redfield said that Hoffman, an incumbent who lost the race, drove up the spending by infusing his campaign with large sums of his own money. Redfield also says the new legislative maps play a role in the high dollar races. He said that Democrats, who drew the map, are playing offense in the suburbs and spending while trying to pick up more seats. However, they were unable to draw truly safe districts for many downstate incumbents because downstate Illinois has begun to lean more to Republicans. So, those incumbents are spending big bucks to try to hang onto their jobs, while Republicans are willing to spend more on challenges that may give them a shot at unseating Democrats.
So far, the five most expensive Senate races after the 48th District involve incumbent Democrats fighting for their political lives. Redfield says this trend too is driven by geography and demographics. Southern Illinois has seen a drop in population, so districts must be larger to contain enough residents. This means that the Democratic strongholds that do exist downstate, which are often population centers, can become diluted in large districts that also contain rural voters, who are more typically Republican. “The Democrats were able to protect House districts downstate better than they were able to protect the Senate districts just because of how large the Senate districts have to be.” But Redfield said that despite the tough races, it is unlikely that Democrats would lose their majority control in either chamber. “I would still be surprised if the Democrats were in trouble overall in either the House or the Senate.”
While this is the first election under an Illinois Supreme Court ruling that allows political action committees (PACs) to raise and spend unlimited funds on their own, Redfield said he is uncertain on whether the change has brought an influx of new political money into this campaign season. “I don’t know how much of it is new money versus old money and how much of it is [candidates and parties] getting around limits [by filtering money through PACs].” He said it will take some time to unravel where money came from, especially money from national organizations and non-profit groups with certain tax designations that do not have to specifically disclose each donation. Redfield notes that the current totals aren’t the whole story. “A lot of the money hasn’t been spent, but some of it hasn’t been reported. They may spend some more at the tail end here.”
Morrison said that everyone watching how campaigns are funded is adjusting to the new reality of the so-called super PACs and the rise of unlimited spending that is done independently of campaigns. “I think we’re still at the early stage in the learning curve of independent expenditures. It’s a new way for money to flow. Reporters and the public alike are not really sure how to keep track of it.”
The ICPR launched a new online tool this week to track spending in the most expensive state races. The site is based on numbers from the Illinois State Board of Elections website, which is updated in real time when candidates electronically file their disclosures. The ICPR site takes about an hour to update after candidates file. However, it is a simple way to compare all the top-spending races at a glance, including independent spending by outside groups.
Future of state prisons is likely up to the courts
By Jamey Dunn
The future of Gov. Pat Quinn’s plan to close several state corrections facilities will likely be determined by the outcomes of dueling court challenges.
Gov. Pat Quinn scored a victory when an arbitrator ruled that his plan to shutter a super-maximum security prison near Tamms, a women’s prison in Dwight, adult transition centers in Decatur, Carbondale and Chicago and youth prisons in Joliet and Murphysboro would not endanger workers.
Arbitrator Steven Bierig said in his rulings that the best course of action would be to keep the prisons open. However, he said that Quinn’s administration had taken steps to ensure that the plan would be safe and not present a danger to prison workers.
Abdon Pallasch, a Quinn budget spokesman, said the administration would not resume the closures until getting the green light from a court. Quinn’s administration has asked a Cook County court to sign off on the ruling and also asked that a court in Alexander County remove a hold that was placed on the plan.
The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, which represents prison workers, has asked the judge to keep the block in place. In a rare move, the union is also asking the court to nullify the arbitrator’s ruling. “AFSCME has only once before challenged an arbitrator’s decision in court,” AFSCME Council 31 executive director Henry Bayer said in a written statement. “Since we believe this decision clearly violates the state’s public policy that requires the employer to provide a safe work environment, we have asked the judge to vacate the arbitrator’s award and submit the case back to the arbitrator to correct his mistakes with regard to the interpretation of the state’s health and safety law.”
The Quinn administration has also asked the Illinois Supreme Court to step in, but Pallasch said that so far, the higher court has not responded to the request. He said that because the courts operate at their own paces, the administration has not set a new timeline for closing the prisons and other facilities. Quinn had planned to close the facilities by the end of August, but legal battles with AFSCME delayed the closure. “The courts can do whatever they want,” he said. “Obviously, we would love it as soon as possible. It’s costing us an extra $7 million a month, so the sooner the better.”
The future of Gov. Pat Quinn’s plan to close several state corrections facilities will likely be determined by the outcomes of dueling court challenges.
Gov. Pat Quinn scored a victory when an arbitrator ruled that his plan to shutter a super-maximum security prison near Tamms, a women’s prison in Dwight, adult transition centers in Decatur, Carbondale and Chicago and youth prisons in Joliet and Murphysboro would not endanger workers.
Arbitrator Steven Bierig said in his rulings that the best course of action would be to keep the prisons open. However, he said that Quinn’s administration had taken steps to ensure that the plan would be safe and not present a danger to prison workers.
Abdon Pallasch, a Quinn budget spokesman, said the administration would not resume the closures until getting the green light from a court. Quinn’s administration has asked a Cook County court to sign off on the ruling and also asked that a court in Alexander County remove a hold that was placed on the plan.
The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, which represents prison workers, has asked the judge to keep the block in place. In a rare move, the union is also asking the court to nullify the arbitrator’s ruling. “AFSCME has only once before challenged an arbitrator’s decision in court,” AFSCME Council 31 executive director Henry Bayer said in a written statement. “Since we believe this decision clearly violates the state’s public policy that requires the employer to provide a safe work environment, we have asked the judge to vacate the arbitrator’s award and submit the case back to the arbitrator to correct his mistakes with regard to the interpretation of the state’s health and safety law.”
The Quinn administration has also asked the Illinois Supreme Court to step in, but Pallasch said that so far, the higher court has not responded to the request. He said that because the courts operate at their own paces, the administration has not set a new timeline for closing the prisons and other facilities. Quinn had planned to close the facilities by the end of August, but legal battles with AFSCME delayed the closure. “The courts can do whatever they want,” he said. “Obviously, we would love it as soon as possible. It’s costing us an extra $7 million a month, so the sooner the better.”
Monday, October 29, 2012
TRS board tries to nudge lawmakers toward larger annual contributions
By Jamey Dunn
The board of directors for the Illinois Teachers' Retirement System plans to urge legislators and Gov. Pat Quinn to consider making larger annual payments into the system.
Last week, the board set the state’s annual contribution to retirement costs for teachers outside of the city of Chicago at $3.4 billion for next fiscal year. However, the group says that the payment is more than $900 million short of what would be needed to adequately fund the system according the standard accounting practices. “Over the last several years, state government has taken its responsibilities to TRS very seriously, has paid its legal obligation in full and should be congratulated for that,” TRS Executive Director Dick Ingram said in a written statement. “However, the legal state contribution for FY 2014, and for the last several years, has not been enough to improve the system’s long-term finances. The contribution is set artificially by state law. It’s not an actuarial calculation.”
This week, the board plans to push the issue by sending a letter to Quinn and legislators urging action to stabilize the system. From now on, when it approves the annual state contribution, the group also plans to include the amount of money that would be needed to properly fund retirement costs based on standard actuarial calculations. “The board feels very strongly that the amount of money that the state is being asked to contribute is an extension of past bad practices by the legislature,” said TRS spokesman Dave Urbanek.
The letter is a reiteration of a resolution the board approved in the spring. In the resolution, the board did not back any specific proposal but instead laid out provisions that should be included in any pension reform approved by the legislature. The resolution called for:
There are varying opinions among legislators as to which changes would be constitutional. Some say that reducing the cost-of-living increases given to retirees would pass muster. Others argue that as long as retirees get a choice or something in return for a benefits cut, there is no constitutional violation. Some say that any reduction to benefits would violate the Constitution. If a proposal passes in the General Assembly and is signed by the governor, the ultimate decision will almost certainly rest with the courts.
Teachers unions balked at the resolution when it was approved by the board in the spring and have accused the board and Ingram of inserting themselves into a political debate and not looking out for the best interests of retirees and future retirees. The Illinois Federation of Teachers called for Ingram’s resignation after he commented on pension reform to Crain’s Chicago business publication. Ingram told Crain’s that lawmakers “have to take action” on pension reform soon. While he did not advocate for a reduction to cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs) for retirees, he pointed to them as the most expensive component of the system. “Without question, the single biggest cost factor is the cost-of-living adjustment. That is why when you look at other states, you see that that’s where they focused their changes. ...When the question is, ‘What drives the cost,’ the direct answer is the cost-of-living adjustment.” Recent pensions reform proposals have included reducing COLAs or asking workers to choose between the current 3 percent annual COLA and their retiree health care coverage.
IFT fired back in a written statement: “The Teachers Retirement System must work for its members, not the politicians, corporate executives or newspapers its leaders may be bullied by. When the fox is guarding the hen house, it is the fox that must go. Mr. Ingram has lost the trust of those he is employed to protect. He should resign from his position as TRS executive director.” Ingram did not step down.
Urbanek said that by emphasizing the need for a larger contribution from the state, the board is also placing the responsibility for the underfunded system where it belongs: at the feet of lawmakers and governors. “We’ve seen polls that [say that] the majority of people blame the political classes for creating [the unfunded liability].” He said the board wants to ensure that the blame is not shifted to teachers, who have made their required payments into the pension system.
The board of directors for the Illinois Teachers' Retirement System plans to urge legislators and Gov. Pat Quinn to consider making larger annual payments into the system.
Last week, the board set the state’s annual contribution to retirement costs for teachers outside of the city of Chicago at $3.4 billion for next fiscal year. However, the group says that the payment is more than $900 million short of what would be needed to adequately fund the system according the standard accounting practices. “Over the last several years, state government has taken its responsibilities to TRS very seriously, has paid its legal obligation in full and should be congratulated for that,” TRS Executive Director Dick Ingram said in a written statement. “However, the legal state contribution for FY 2014, and for the last several years, has not been enough to improve the system’s long-term finances. The contribution is set artificially by state law. It’s not an actuarial calculation.”
This week, the board plans to push the issue by sending a letter to Quinn and legislators urging action to stabilize the system. From now on, when it approves the annual state contribution, the group also plans to include the amount of money that would be needed to properly fund retirement costs based on standard actuarial calculations. “The board feels very strongly that the amount of money that the state is being asked to contribute is an extension of past bad practices by the legislature,” said TRS spokesman Dave Urbanek.
The letter is a reiteration of a resolution the board approved in the spring. In the resolution, the board did not back any specific proposal but instead laid out provisions that should be included in any pension reform approved by the legislature. The resolution called for:
- The use of standard accounting practices to determine the state’s annual contribution.
- A statutory guarantee that the annual payment will be made.
- A provision that corrects the “existing inequities and funding flaws” in the Tier II pensions system that was created for any workers hired after January 2011. Critics of the new plan say its benefits do not meet the legal requirements for retirees, such as teachers, who will not receive Social Security Benefits.
There are varying opinions among legislators as to which changes would be constitutional. Some say that reducing the cost-of-living increases given to retirees would pass muster. Others argue that as long as retirees get a choice or something in return for a benefits cut, there is no constitutional violation. Some say that any reduction to benefits would violate the Constitution. If a proposal passes in the General Assembly and is signed by the governor, the ultimate decision will almost certainly rest with the courts.
Teachers unions balked at the resolution when it was approved by the board in the spring and have accused the board and Ingram of inserting themselves into a political debate and not looking out for the best interests of retirees and future retirees. The Illinois Federation of Teachers called for Ingram’s resignation after he commented on pension reform to Crain’s Chicago business publication. Ingram told Crain’s that lawmakers “have to take action” on pension reform soon. While he did not advocate for a reduction to cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs) for retirees, he pointed to them as the most expensive component of the system. “Without question, the single biggest cost factor is the cost-of-living adjustment. That is why when you look at other states, you see that that’s where they focused their changes. ...When the question is, ‘What drives the cost,’ the direct answer is the cost-of-living adjustment.” Recent pensions reform proposals have included reducing COLAs or asking workers to choose between the current 3 percent annual COLA and their retiree health care coverage.
IFT fired back in a written statement: “The Teachers Retirement System must work for its members, not the politicians, corporate executives or newspapers its leaders may be bullied by. When the fox is guarding the hen house, it is the fox that must go. Mr. Ingram has lost the trust of those he is employed to protect. He should resign from his position as TRS executive director.” Ingram did not step down.
Urbanek said that by emphasizing the need for a larger contribution from the state, the board is also placing the responsibility for the underfunded system where it belongs: at the feet of lawmakers and governors. “We’ve seen polls that [say that] the majority of people blame the political classes for creating [the unfunded liability].” He said the board wants to ensure that the blame is not shifted to teachers, who have made their required payments into the pension system.
Friday, October 26, 2012
Campaign contribution limits will stay in place through general election
By Jamey Dunn
Illinois’ campaign contribution caps will stand through the general election, but a group that is suing to have them tossed out is not giving up on its fight.
The Liberty Justice Center — which was founded by the Illinois Policy Institute, a self-described “free market” think tank — mounted a constitutional challenge against the state’s contribution limits for individuals, unions and corporations. The center filed suit on behalf of Illinois Liberty PAC, a political action committee that supports candidates who back "free market, liberty-based public policy."
The campaign finance reform law, passed in the wake of former Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s impeachment and removal from office, set a $5,000 limit on contributions from individuals, $10,000 from unions or corporations and a $50,000 limit on political action committees.
The center argues that the law restricts freedom of speech and because the caps do not apply to political parties, it does not offer all groups equal protection under the law. “Liberty PAC is limited in the amount of money that they can give to a candidate in a general election. So is everybody else, except for political parties. Political parties can give as much money as they wan,t and all we want in politics is a level playing field,” said Patrick Hughes, president of the Liberty Justice Center. “Under this law, we limit some people’s speech while we let the parties speak as much as they want. And that’s not fair.”
The group asked for an injunction to block implementation of the caps, but it was denied by a federal judge earlier this month. This week, a panel of judges shot down the center’s appeal. Hughes said that the standards for the type of injunction the group was seeking are high, and the group was unable to meet them. However, he said the center plans to continue pursuing the case. “What we’re looking to now is just ensuring that people here in Illinois get to exercise their constitutional rights, have freedom of speech and get ... equal protection,” he said. “We’re disappointed. But we’re going to continue to fight on.”
David Morrison, deputy director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, said that the caps are needed to prevention corruption, such as the pay-to-play schemes that landed Blagojevich in a federal prison. “The caps are designed to solve a particular problem, what we might think of as the Blagojevich problem.” He said that Blagojevich handed out benefits, such as government jobs or favorable regulatory rulings, for large contributions. “Most of those donors got something tangible within days or weeks of making [those] contribution[s].” Morrison noted that the U.S. Supreme Court has allowed for contribution limits when there is a compelling risk of corruption.
Hughes said that the prevention of corruption is a pretext and that the caps instead serve to strengthen party leaders because parties are not subject to limits. Good-government groups, such as the ICPR, advocated for caps on party contributions when the law was being debated in the legislature. Even though they did not win out on the issue, Morrison said it is no reason to toss out the entire law. He said the Citizens United ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court and ensuing state court rulings that allow political action committees to raise and spend unlimited funds if they do not communicate with campaigns have changed the playing field. He said the new law is being tested this year, during the first election cycle that it has been in place, and lawmakers should consider making tweaks afterward. “It’s not as airtight as it used to be. What I think we need to do is see how the system works.”
But the Liberty Justice Center hopes that the caps will not survive to the next campaign season. “Our hope and plan is that this will be resolved long before the next election in 2014.”
Illinois’ campaign contribution caps will stand through the general election, but a group that is suing to have them tossed out is not giving up on its fight.
The Liberty Justice Center — which was founded by the Illinois Policy Institute, a self-described “free market” think tank — mounted a constitutional challenge against the state’s contribution limits for individuals, unions and corporations. The center filed suit on behalf of Illinois Liberty PAC, a political action committee that supports candidates who back "free market, liberty-based public policy."
The campaign finance reform law, passed in the wake of former Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s impeachment and removal from office, set a $5,000 limit on contributions from individuals, $10,000 from unions or corporations and a $50,000 limit on political action committees.
The center argues that the law restricts freedom of speech and because the caps do not apply to political parties, it does not offer all groups equal protection under the law. “Liberty PAC is limited in the amount of money that they can give to a candidate in a general election. So is everybody else, except for political parties. Political parties can give as much money as they wan,t and all we want in politics is a level playing field,” said Patrick Hughes, president of the Liberty Justice Center. “Under this law, we limit some people’s speech while we let the parties speak as much as they want. And that’s not fair.”
The group asked for an injunction to block implementation of the caps, but it was denied by a federal judge earlier this month. This week, a panel of judges shot down the center’s appeal. Hughes said that the standards for the type of injunction the group was seeking are high, and the group was unable to meet them. However, he said the center plans to continue pursuing the case. “What we’re looking to now is just ensuring that people here in Illinois get to exercise their constitutional rights, have freedom of speech and get ... equal protection,” he said. “We’re disappointed. But we’re going to continue to fight on.”
David Morrison, deputy director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, said that the caps are needed to prevention corruption, such as the pay-to-play schemes that landed Blagojevich in a federal prison. “The caps are designed to solve a particular problem, what we might think of as the Blagojevich problem.” He said that Blagojevich handed out benefits, such as government jobs or favorable regulatory rulings, for large contributions. “Most of those donors got something tangible within days or weeks of making [those] contribution[s].” Morrison noted that the U.S. Supreme Court has allowed for contribution limits when there is a compelling risk of corruption.
Hughes said that the prevention of corruption is a pretext and that the caps instead serve to strengthen party leaders because parties are not subject to limits. Good-government groups, such as the ICPR, advocated for caps on party contributions when the law was being debated in the legislature. Even though they did not win out on the issue, Morrison said it is no reason to toss out the entire law. He said the Citizens United ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court and ensuing state court rulings that allow political action committees to raise and spend unlimited funds if they do not communicate with campaigns have changed the playing field. He said the new law is being tested this year, during the first election cycle that it has been in place, and lawmakers should consider making tweaks afterward. “It’s not as airtight as it used to be. What I think we need to do is see how the system works.”
But the Liberty Justice Center hopes that the caps will not survive to the next campaign season. “Our hope and plan is that this will be resolved long before the next election in 2014.”
Wednesday, October 24, 2012
Lawsuit claims Illinois' juvenile parole system is unconstitutional
By Jamey Dunn
A civil rights advocacy group filed a class action lawsuit against the state this week claiming that the parole process for juvenile offenders violates their civil rights.
According to the suit, juvenile offenders who are accused of parole violations are often persuaded to waive their rights to a preliminary hearing. “Class members sign the form believing that it will allow them to return home sooner. In reality, the signature allows the [Prisoner Review Board] to avoid conducting a preliminary hearing and ensures that the youth will remain incarcerated until the final revocation hearing, regardless of the validity of the alleged parole violation charge,” said the complaint, which was filed by the Roderick MacArthur Justice Center at Northwestern University Law School on behalf of all youth currently on parole. The center estimates the number of youth on parole as more than 1,000.
According to a recent report from Juvenile Justice Commission, 85 percent of juveniles who faced losing their parole and returning to a detention center between December 2009 and May 2010 waived their right to a preliminary hearing. Such hearings are so infrequent that commission members were unable to attend one when researching their report. Alexa Van Brunt, clinical assistant professor of law and attorney for the Roderick MacArthur Justice Center, said that many children do not understand the choice they are making and are led to believe that waiving the hearing may let them get out of incarceration sooner. However, she said that some could be released immediately if it were found in the preliminary hearing that there were no grounds to lock them up again.
Van Brunt says once juveniles make it to their final hearing before the Illinois Prisoner Review Board, most have had no legal representation, ability to gather evidence or opportunity to respond to their accusers. “Youth just totally lack the ability to adequately represent themselves,” she said. “They have no way to find evidence on their own behalf. They have no subpoena power. They have no way to track down evidence.” She said the process is treated more like an administrative decision than a legal proceeding. According to the commission report, parole officers who recommend revoking a youth’s parole often do not attend the final hearings. Instead, the review board makes a ruling based on a written statement from officers, which does not allow the youth any chance to question the accusers before the board. The commission found that there was inadequate oversight for board decisions and no system for juveniles to appeal if their paroles are revoked.
The suit claims that the process is unconstitutional and calls for an overhaul that would allow juveniles due process and legal representation. Van Brunt said that the state’s lack of action after the commission’s scathing report is part of the reason her organization proceeding with a lawsuit. The report claimed that the juvenile justice system was “failing” youth because for seven of the last eight years, more than half of incarcerated juveniles were locked up over parole violations, such as truancy or curfew offenses. “There didn’t seem to be any reaction to that report, which was very empirically based and well founded,” she said. “I think it’s just that there hasn’t been the motivation on the state’s part to implement large scale changes, which is clearly what needs to happen.”
The Department of Juvenile Justice did not take issue with the findings of the commission's report when they were published, and officials said they planned to address some of the problems highlighted in the study. Gov. Pat Quinn’s office today declined to comment on the lawsuit because the state has yet to be served the suit.
Van Brunt said the suit seeks a freeze on any juvenile justice parole revocation hearings under the current system. The group hopes to be able to work out a plan with the state to revamp the system. One of the major overhauls being sought is allowing juveniles accused of parole violations a right to a lawyer from the beginning of the process. Van Brunt said that any agreement would also have to enable youth to gather evidence and face their accusers. “[The suit is] not seeking damage, but it is seeking a change in the way things are done.” But she said if a deal that adequately protects juvenile’s rights cannot be reached with the state, “we’re going to go through with the litigation as planned.”
A civil rights advocacy group filed a class action lawsuit against the state this week claiming that the parole process for juvenile offenders violates their civil rights.
According to the suit, juvenile offenders who are accused of parole violations are often persuaded to waive their rights to a preliminary hearing. “Class members sign the form believing that it will allow them to return home sooner. In reality, the signature allows the [Prisoner Review Board] to avoid conducting a preliminary hearing and ensures that the youth will remain incarcerated until the final revocation hearing, regardless of the validity of the alleged parole violation charge,” said the complaint, which was filed by the Roderick MacArthur Justice Center at Northwestern University Law School on behalf of all youth currently on parole. The center estimates the number of youth on parole as more than 1,000.
According to a recent report from Juvenile Justice Commission, 85 percent of juveniles who faced losing their parole and returning to a detention center between December 2009 and May 2010 waived their right to a preliminary hearing. Such hearings are so infrequent that commission members were unable to attend one when researching their report. Alexa Van Brunt, clinical assistant professor of law and attorney for the Roderick MacArthur Justice Center, said that many children do not understand the choice they are making and are led to believe that waiving the hearing may let them get out of incarceration sooner. However, she said that some could be released immediately if it were found in the preliminary hearing that there were no grounds to lock them up again.
Van Brunt says once juveniles make it to their final hearing before the Illinois Prisoner Review Board, most have had no legal representation, ability to gather evidence or opportunity to respond to their accusers. “Youth just totally lack the ability to adequately represent themselves,” she said. “They have no way to find evidence on their own behalf. They have no subpoena power. They have no way to track down evidence.” She said the process is treated more like an administrative decision than a legal proceeding. According to the commission report, parole officers who recommend revoking a youth’s parole often do not attend the final hearings. Instead, the review board makes a ruling based on a written statement from officers, which does not allow the youth any chance to question the accusers before the board. The commission found that there was inadequate oversight for board decisions and no system for juveniles to appeal if their paroles are revoked.
The suit claims that the process is unconstitutional and calls for an overhaul that would allow juveniles due process and legal representation. Van Brunt said that the state’s lack of action after the commission’s scathing report is part of the reason her organization proceeding with a lawsuit. The report claimed that the juvenile justice system was “failing” youth because for seven of the last eight years, more than half of incarcerated juveniles were locked up over parole violations, such as truancy or curfew offenses. “There didn’t seem to be any reaction to that report, which was very empirically based and well founded,” she said. “I think it’s just that there hasn’t been the motivation on the state’s part to implement large scale changes, which is clearly what needs to happen.”
The Department of Juvenile Justice did not take issue with the findings of the commission's report when they were published, and officials said they planned to address some of the problems highlighted in the study. Gov. Pat Quinn’s office today declined to comment on the lawsuit because the state has yet to be served the suit.
Van Brunt said the suit seeks a freeze on any juvenile justice parole revocation hearings under the current system. The group hopes to be able to work out a plan with the state to revamp the system. One of the major overhauls being sought is allowing juveniles accused of parole violations a right to a lawyer from the beginning of the process. Van Brunt said that any agreement would also have to enable youth to gather evidence and face their accusers. “[The suit is] not seeking damage, but it is seeking a change in the way things are done.” But she said if a deal that adequately protects juvenile’s rights cannot be reached with the state, “we’re going to go through with the litigation as planned.”
New study drills down on state budget problems
By Jamey Dunn
A study released today takes a comprehensive look at Illinois’ fiscal situation and the events that led to the state’s current budget mess.
The study, which comes from the State Budget Crisis Task Force, is a follow-up to a report put out by the task force in July. The summer report focused on the budgets of California, Illinois, New Jersey, New York, Texas and Virginia. Richard Ravitch, the former lieutenant governor of New York, and Paul Volcker, the former chairman of the Federal Reserve, co-chair the task force, which seeks to parse state’s budget concerns in the wake of the national recession.
The report points to the usual suspects as cost drivers for the Illinois budget: growing pension and Medicaid costs. It also cites stagnant revenues, borrowing and shoddy accounting tactics as culprits in the state’s recent budget crisis. The report says that that tactic of selling bonds to cover pension costs — 2003, 2010 and 2011 — has been the primary contributor to Illinois having one of the highest debt rates per capita of any state.
The study says that the 2008 economic collapse was part of a perfect storm that sunk the state budget. Revenues tanked as demand for services spiked. “But unlike other states, Illinois was effectively insolvent. Illinois had no reserves and had used fiscal gimmicks and borrowing to balance the budget for the previous six or seven years.”
The authors attribute the problems leading up to 2008 to expansions of state programs and services without corresponding revenue increases under former Gov. Rod Blagojevich. The study said that the governor’s refusal to increase the state income tax and House Speaker Michael Madigan’s unwillingness to work with Blagojevich on alternative revenue sources left the state spending more than it could afford. “During Blagojevich’s two terms as governor, new programs were created and expanded, including health insurance coverage and preschool for Illinois children and free public transportation and prescription drugs for Illinois seniors. But with an existing structural deficit, and without new sources of revenue, the state did not have sufficient resources to meet all of its obligations,” the report said. “And while the recession took a toll on the state’s resources, Illinois’ government became essentially dysfunctional with the federal investigation of Governor Blagojevich and his removal from office.” The authors described the state’s budgeting tactics leading into the recession as such: “Illinois did all this without any sort of long-term financial plan to restore balance and without reserves. Illinois has been doing back flips on a high wire, without a net.”
Illinois economic growth has also stalled when compared with the rest of the country. “By FY 2010, Illinois’ total personal income fell 2 percent more and employment fell 1 percent more than in the U.S. as a whole. The impact of the recession on Illinois’ tax collections was much, much larger. In FY 2010, total state taxes in the U.S. were 93 percent of the amount in FY 2007, but Illinois’ tax revenues had fallen to 85 percent of the FY 2007 amount,” said the study. Illinois is recovering from the recession, but it is doing it more slowly than it recovered from the last three recessions.
The report notes that progress has been made to get the state back on secure footing. An income tax increase brought in new revenues, and lawmakers agreed on spending caps, cuts and sweeping Medicaid reforms. The authors note that such cuts are not painless and could have long-term effects on the state’s priorities, such as education and infrastructure. “There is, of course, nothing ‘encouraging’ about cuts in education, medical care and human services from the point of view of recipients or advocates. One of the most controversial budget appropriations was $6.5 billion for K-12 education, which was a cut of 3 percent from FY 2012,” said the study. Despite cuts and new revenues, the authors say the state cannot continue on its current budget trajectory. “Illinois’ budget is not fiscally sustainable. Despite recent progress and difficult choices, it is still in a deep hole. It cannot simultaneously continue current services, keep taxes at current levels, provide all promised [public employee] benefits, and make needed investments in education and infrastructure.”
Gov. Pat Quinn’s new budget spokesperson, Abdon Pallasch, echoed the idea that the current budget is unsustainable when he spoke to the Daily Herald’s editorial board yesterday. Quinn is pushing for concessions from the state’s largest public employee union and pension reform as at least a partial solution. “The alternative is we, you know, close a few prisons or universities, I guess,” Pallasch told the Daily Herald. “I’m not threatening to close prisons or universities,” he said. “I’m just saying, let your imagination run wild with what we’d have to do.” Officials with the American Federation for State County and Municipal Employees say Quinn and lawmakers should repeal tax breaks given to corporate interests, such as a recent tax deal given the Sears and the CME group, which owns the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the Chicago Board of Trade.
The study also looked to potential future concerns for Illinois, including cuts to federal funding as deficit reduction efforts continue, the need to invest in infrastructure upgrades and the state’s aging residents. “Illinois’ demographics show an aging population with a trend toward fewer workers and more retirees, which will pose daunting fiscal challenges in the years ahead.”
A study released today takes a comprehensive look at Illinois’ fiscal situation and the events that led to the state’s current budget mess.
The study, which comes from the State Budget Crisis Task Force, is a follow-up to a report put out by the task force in July. The summer report focused on the budgets of California, Illinois, New Jersey, New York, Texas and Virginia. Richard Ravitch, the former lieutenant governor of New York, and Paul Volcker, the former chairman of the Federal Reserve, co-chair the task force, which seeks to parse state’s budget concerns in the wake of the national recession.
The report points to the usual suspects as cost drivers for the Illinois budget: growing pension and Medicaid costs. It also cites stagnant revenues, borrowing and shoddy accounting tactics as culprits in the state’s recent budget crisis. The report says that that tactic of selling bonds to cover pension costs — 2003, 2010 and 2011 — has been the primary contributor to Illinois having one of the highest debt rates per capita of any state.
The study says that the 2008 economic collapse was part of a perfect storm that sunk the state budget. Revenues tanked as demand for services spiked. “But unlike other states, Illinois was effectively insolvent. Illinois had no reserves and had used fiscal gimmicks and borrowing to balance the budget for the previous six or seven years.”
The authors attribute the problems leading up to 2008 to expansions of state programs and services without corresponding revenue increases under former Gov. Rod Blagojevich. The study said that the governor’s refusal to increase the state income tax and House Speaker Michael Madigan’s unwillingness to work with Blagojevich on alternative revenue sources left the state spending more than it could afford. “During Blagojevich’s two terms as governor, new programs were created and expanded, including health insurance coverage and preschool for Illinois children and free public transportation and prescription drugs for Illinois seniors. But with an existing structural deficit, and without new sources of revenue, the state did not have sufficient resources to meet all of its obligations,” the report said. “And while the recession took a toll on the state’s resources, Illinois’ government became essentially dysfunctional with the federal investigation of Governor Blagojevich and his removal from office.” The authors described the state’s budgeting tactics leading into the recession as such: “Illinois did all this without any sort of long-term financial plan to restore balance and without reserves. Illinois has been doing back flips on a high wire, without a net.”
Illinois economic growth has also stalled when compared with the rest of the country. “By FY 2010, Illinois’ total personal income fell 2 percent more and employment fell 1 percent more than in the U.S. as a whole. The impact of the recession on Illinois’ tax collections was much, much larger. In FY 2010, total state taxes in the U.S. were 93 percent of the amount in FY 2007, but Illinois’ tax revenues had fallen to 85 percent of the FY 2007 amount,” said the study. Illinois is recovering from the recession, but it is doing it more slowly than it recovered from the last three recessions.
The report notes that progress has been made to get the state back on secure footing. An income tax increase brought in new revenues, and lawmakers agreed on spending caps, cuts and sweeping Medicaid reforms. The authors note that such cuts are not painless and could have long-term effects on the state’s priorities, such as education and infrastructure. “There is, of course, nothing ‘encouraging’ about cuts in education, medical care and human services from the point of view of recipients or advocates. One of the most controversial budget appropriations was $6.5 billion for K-12 education, which was a cut of 3 percent from FY 2012,” said the study. Despite cuts and new revenues, the authors say the state cannot continue on its current budget trajectory. “Illinois’ budget is not fiscally sustainable. Despite recent progress and difficult choices, it is still in a deep hole. It cannot simultaneously continue current services, keep taxes at current levels, provide all promised [public employee] benefits, and make needed investments in education and infrastructure.”
Gov. Pat Quinn’s new budget spokesperson, Abdon Pallasch, echoed the idea that the current budget is unsustainable when he spoke to the Daily Herald’s editorial board yesterday. Quinn is pushing for concessions from the state’s largest public employee union and pension reform as at least a partial solution. “The alternative is we, you know, close a few prisons or universities, I guess,” Pallasch told the Daily Herald. “I’m not threatening to close prisons or universities,” he said. “I’m just saying, let your imagination run wild with what we’d have to do.” Officials with the American Federation for State County and Municipal Employees say Quinn and lawmakers should repeal tax breaks given to corporate interests, such as a recent tax deal given the Sears and the CME group, which owns the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the Chicago Board of Trade.
The study also looked to potential future concerns for Illinois, including cuts to federal funding as deficit reduction efforts continue, the need to invest in infrastructure upgrades and the state’s aging residents. “Illinois’ demographics show an aging population with a trend toward fewer workers and more retirees, which will pose daunting fiscal challenges in the years ahead.”
Monday, October 22, 2012
Early voting in Illinois starts today
President Barack Obama and Republican nominee Mitt Romney will likely try to sway the electorate in their final televised debate this evening, but some Illinois voters will have already cast their votes hours before the two duke it out on the national stage.
Registered voters can begin casting their ballots for the general election today at early voting locations across the state. Voters do not have to provide a reason for casting their vote before the November 6 general election. Early voting centers must be open on weekdays from 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. or 8:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. Most centers also offer weekend hours. Early voting will be available until November 3. To locate an early voting center in your area and check their hours, see the State Board of Elections’ website.
According to the State Board of Elections, almost 1 million voters—or 16 percent of Illinois voters who participated in the 2008 presidential election—cast their votes early in 2008. “Voting early by personal appearance, without having to give a reason, has proven to be a popular option for Illinois voters,” Rupert Borgsmiller, executive director of the State Board of Elections, said in a written statement. “Voters appreciate the convenience of going to the polls on their own schedule.”
Voters who are away from home can cast an absentee ballot in person or by mail until November 5. The deadline to register for the November general election has passed. However, voters who have not yet registered can participate in grace period voting until November 3. For more information about grace period voting, including locations in your area where you can participate, contact your local election authority.
Registered voters can begin casting their ballots for the general election today at early voting locations across the state. Voters do not have to provide a reason for casting their vote before the November 6 general election. Early voting centers must be open on weekdays from 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. or 8:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. Most centers also offer weekend hours. Early voting will be available until November 3. To locate an early voting center in your area and check their hours, see the State Board of Elections’ website.
According to the State Board of Elections, almost 1 million voters—or 16 percent of Illinois voters who participated in the 2008 presidential election—cast their votes early in 2008. “Voting early by personal appearance, without having to give a reason, has proven to be a popular option for Illinois voters,” Rupert Borgsmiller, executive director of the State Board of Elections, said in a written statement. “Voters appreciate the convenience of going to the polls on their own schedule.”
Voters who are away from home can cast an absentee ballot in person or by mail until November 5. The deadline to register for the November general election has passed. However, voters who have not yet registered can participate in grace period voting until November 3. For more information about grace period voting, including locations in your area where you can participate, contact your local election authority.
Thursday, October 18, 2012
Council set to tackle rural issues
Jamey Dunn
After polling Illinois residents and conducting a listening tour of the state, a council headed by Lt. Gov. Sheila Simon has adopted a plan for rural development in Illinois.
The Rural Affairs Council — made up of state administrators, academics, business leaders, representatives of the agriculture industry and citizen members — conducted a poll of more than 1,000 residents to find out how rural Illinoisans gauged their quality of life and what issues and services are priorities for them. The group also toured the state, stopping in six cities to hear feedback. The resulting plan, called Vision for Rural Illinois, focuses on the concerns and needs of rural communities.
One of the biggest issues the group hopes to address is access to emergency care for rural residents. “People in rural areas are concerned about the fragile nature of rural [emergency medical services],” said Karen Poncin assistant director of Western Illinois University’s Illinois Institute for Rural Affairs. “They are concerned that some day, they will call an ambulance and there won’t be anyone to come to help them.”
The council plans to work with an Illinois House committee that is also looking into the issue and hopes to propose legislation in the coming spring session. “It’s a long-running problem about how we fund emergency medical services in rural areas. In a small geographic area with a high population, the ambulance rides are short — back and forth — and they can do many in a day. In rural areas, the rides can be quite long and take a lot of staff just to be available to do that transportation part,” Simon said. She said that ambulance services in more remote areas of the state require flexibility and may have different needs in terms of training and communication technology. “So we’re looking at training standards. We’re looking at staffing standards and how we can make sure that people in every part of Illinois, including remote and rural parts of Illinois, are served by ambulance services.”
Another one of the council’s goals is to inform rural residents and businesses of services that already exist. Simon said that while on the listening tour, the council often heard about needs that current programs might be able to address. “We’re talking about services that help small businesses grow or services that help small businesses start,” she said. “Frequently the comment comes up from people who are in business who look back and say, ‘Oh, now that I know about some of these programs, I wish I would have known about that before, when I was just starting.’ So it tells me that we have more people that we can be reaching in terms of letting them know what’s available in the state of Illinois, particularly to develop the economy.”
Those surveyed by the council said that access to high speed Internet was also a priority. Simon said that federal grants have helped to bring more access to remote parts of the state, but there areas without fast reliable service. “More and more digital service is getting out to rural Illinois, but there’s still plenty of last miles to go before we have that service available across the state,” Simon said. “When we talked about infrastructure issues, access to the Internet was brought up as one of those infrastructure [issues]. It’s viewed as highways are viewed by folks now, and particularly, in terms of economic development. In order to build our businesses, we need to have access to the Internet.”
Simon, who calls Carbondale home, said she considers herself a rural resident of the state and that the council hopes to make urban residents more aware of rural issues. She said that rural and urban areas also share many common concerns, such as education funding. The lieutenant governor said she is realistic about what the council can achieve with limited funds. “I certainly have been very aware in this whole process of the limits of the state budget and have been very careful to not promise more than we can deliver. So my focus has been on within the scope of the state budget that we have within the challenges that we know, how can we make sure that we’re doing the best job for rural Illinois?”
After polling Illinois residents and conducting a listening tour of the state, a council headed by Lt. Gov. Sheila Simon has adopted a plan for rural development in Illinois.
The Rural Affairs Council — made up of state administrators, academics, business leaders, representatives of the agriculture industry and citizen members — conducted a poll of more than 1,000 residents to find out how rural Illinoisans gauged their quality of life and what issues and services are priorities for them. The group also toured the state, stopping in six cities to hear feedback. The resulting plan, called Vision for Rural Illinois, focuses on the concerns and needs of rural communities.
One of the biggest issues the group hopes to address is access to emergency care for rural residents. “People in rural areas are concerned about the fragile nature of rural [emergency medical services],” said Karen Poncin assistant director of Western Illinois University’s Illinois Institute for Rural Affairs. “They are concerned that some day, they will call an ambulance and there won’t be anyone to come to help them.”
The council plans to work with an Illinois House committee that is also looking into the issue and hopes to propose legislation in the coming spring session. “It’s a long-running problem about how we fund emergency medical services in rural areas. In a small geographic area with a high population, the ambulance rides are short — back and forth — and they can do many in a day. In rural areas, the rides can be quite long and take a lot of staff just to be available to do that transportation part,” Simon said. She said that ambulance services in more remote areas of the state require flexibility and may have different needs in terms of training and communication technology. “So we’re looking at training standards. We’re looking at staffing standards and how we can make sure that people in every part of Illinois, including remote and rural parts of Illinois, are served by ambulance services.”
Another one of the council’s goals is to inform rural residents and businesses of services that already exist. Simon said that while on the listening tour, the council often heard about needs that current programs might be able to address. “We’re talking about services that help small businesses grow or services that help small businesses start,” she said. “Frequently the comment comes up from people who are in business who look back and say, ‘Oh, now that I know about some of these programs, I wish I would have known about that before, when I was just starting.’ So it tells me that we have more people that we can be reaching in terms of letting them know what’s available in the state of Illinois, particularly to develop the economy.”
Those surveyed by the council said that access to high speed Internet was also a priority. Simon said that federal grants have helped to bring more access to remote parts of the state, but there areas without fast reliable service. “More and more digital service is getting out to rural Illinois, but there’s still plenty of last miles to go before we have that service available across the state,” Simon said. “When we talked about infrastructure issues, access to the Internet was brought up as one of those infrastructure [issues]. It’s viewed as highways are viewed by folks now, and particularly, in terms of economic development. In order to build our businesses, we need to have access to the Internet.”
Simon, who calls Carbondale home, said she considers herself a rural resident of the state and that the council hopes to make urban residents more aware of rural issues. She said that rural and urban areas also share many common concerns, such as education funding. The lieutenant governor said she is realistic about what the council can achieve with limited funds. “I certainly have been very aware in this whole process of the limits of the state budget and have been very careful to not promise more than we can deliver. So my focus has been on within the scope of the state budget that we have within the challenges that we know, how can we make sure that we’re doing the best job for rural Illinois?”
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