The governor announced a new, $6-billion education plan that could be paid for by selling or leasing the Illinois Lottery. The $10 billion in Lottery revenue could allow $4 billion for extra school spending over the next four years. By the governor's estimate, the remaining $6 billion could be saved and invested, earning interest that would ensure the state maintained its current contribution to education, about $650 million a year until 2025. About $1 billion would be invested in the first year. Randy Dunn, state superintendent, categorized the spending:
What it would do
1. School funding
- Increase the foundation level, the minimum amount schools spend on each student. The level for fiscal year 2007 that starts July 1 is $5,364, about $1,000 short of the amount recommended by the state’s Education Funding Advisory Board. Dunn said the new influx of cash could ensure, roughly, another $200 per student, still below the $6,405 recommendation.
- Increase special education funding and fully fund the mandated categoricals, which are targeted programs for specific groups of students
2. Schools’ physical structure
- Allot $1.5 billion for school construction projects, starting with projects on the five-year waiting list. Any money left over could relieve fast-growing districts or really outdated schools.
- Create “identity schools” that focus for example on arts, technology or agriculture
- Help school districts consolidate for efficiency and continuity in curriculum (it would give incentives to help school districts lower property taxes and form unit districts, and it would give “seed money” to districts so they don’t have to wait a year for state aid). Dunn said consolidating could be an alternative to the state taking over a struggling district.
3. Teacher quality
- Use performance-based pay for teachers who show progress in their students’ achievement (it could go beyond student test scores, Dunn said)
- Expand mentoring programs for teachers and administrators
- Give incentives for colleges that produce teachers
4. Learning materials
- Replace old textbooks, starting with the neediest schools
- Upgrade technology (including high-speed Internet access)
- Increase funding for school libraries
- Revive efforts to offer vocational education
5. Learning time
- Dedicate an additional $60 million for preschool and expanding all-day kindergarten
- Extend the school year for underperforming districts, allowing them to go from the current 180-day year to a 210-day year (intended to help prevent at-risk students from failing).
- Encourage parental involvement and tutoring programs
It would also create a long-term planning council.
What they said
Gov. Rod Blagojevich, a Chicago Democrat, said this plan would reverse 26 years of underfunding of schools and misplaced priorities. He called the plan historic, ambitious and a fundamental change in the way we fund our schools.
Senate President Emil Jones, another Chicago Democrat, supported the program and said Sen. Kimberly Lightford will hold public hearings to work out the details throughout the summer.
Sen. James Meeks is the Chicago Independent who tabled his idea to run for governor if Blagojevich didn’t come out with more education funding. He said he liked this plan because it increased accountability. He added that when he looked the governor straight in the eye and asked him whether all parts of the plan will unfold, Blagojevich told him, “I can’t do ‘em if I’m not re-elected.” Meeks said he got the hint and will ensure Blagojevich gets reelected so the “bold and ambitious plans” can win legislative approval.
Superintendent Dunn said, “The governor really has been the architect of this, based upon the (research) from us.” Regarding the foundation level, Dunn said this plan would do more than what the Education Funding Advisory Board wanted. He said rather than dumping money into general state aid, this approach would put money into more specific uses that have shown to improve student achievement. As far as what would happen after the first four years, Dunn said, “We can debate about the word 'permanent,' but things are only permanent as a given election cycle. And you don't know where things will go.” He added, “We've got to start making progress on these initiatives.” If the plan fails legislative approval? “We're going to see more of the same,” he said, and there’s “no real impetus” for change.
What’s next
There is no set plan for many of the proposals. They will have to be discussed in public hearings throughout the summer before being introduced as legislation in the fall veto session, scheduled to start November 14 (after elections).
You can listen here.
You can download a PowerPoint presentation here.
Expect some different perspectives in the following days.
Tuesday, May 23, 2006
Monday, May 22, 2006
More background
Last week I said most state positions are supposed to be protected from political influence, but the courts have ruled that some jobs, such as a governor’s spokesperson, can be based on party affiliation. For those of you who want a little more legal background, here’s some food for thought:
In 1990, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Rutan et al v. Republican Party of Illinois et al that hiring decisions involving low-level public employees may NOT be based on party affiliation or support. The suit dates back to November 1980, when then-Gov. James Thompson proclaimed a hiring freeze. No one was to be hired, fired or promoted without permission from the governor’s office. They looked at everything from whether the person voted in Republican primaries to whether the person had donated to or had the backing of the GOP. Five employees said politics impacted their employment. One was Cynthia Rutan, a rehabilitation counselor who said she had been denied promotions because she hadn’t worked for the Republican Party.
The court said the governor’s office crossed the line and violated the employees’ First Amendment rights. Referring to a 1976 case, Elrod v. Burns, the court said, “Political parties have already survived the substantial decline in patronage employment practices in this century,” and, “Second, patronage decidedly impairs the elective process by discouraging free political expression by public employees.”
In Elrod, Cook County Republicans holding jobs that were not protected by the state’s civil service code claimed they were fired when a Democratic sheriff came into office, which they said violated their rights under the First and Fourteenth Amendments. The state Supreme Court agreed.
The line of protection (saying you cannot hire, fire or promote based on political allegiance) seems to be moving lower and lower on the state’s staff list. Read more about patronage rulings at Illinois Issues’ Retrospective.
In 1990, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Rutan et al v. Republican Party of Illinois et al that hiring decisions involving low-level public employees may NOT be based on party affiliation or support. The suit dates back to November 1980, when then-Gov. James Thompson proclaimed a hiring freeze. No one was to be hired, fired or promoted without permission from the governor’s office. They looked at everything from whether the person voted in Republican primaries to whether the person had donated to or had the backing of the GOP. Five employees said politics impacted their employment. One was Cynthia Rutan, a rehabilitation counselor who said she had been denied promotions because she hadn’t worked for the Republican Party.
The court said the governor’s office crossed the line and violated the employees’ First Amendment rights. Referring to a 1976 case, Elrod v. Burns, the court said, “Political parties have already survived the substantial decline in patronage employment practices in this century,” and, “Second, patronage decidedly impairs the elective process by discouraging free political expression by public employees.”
In Elrod, Cook County Republicans holding jobs that were not protected by the state’s civil service code claimed they were fired when a Democratic sheriff came into office, which they said violated their rights under the First and Fourteenth Amendments. The state Supreme Court agreed.
The line of protection (saying you cannot hire, fire or promote based on political allegiance) seems to be moving lower and lower on the state’s staff list. Read more about patronage rulings at Illinois Issues’ Retrospective.
Thursday, May 18, 2006
More stressors
This week has got to be a long one for the governor’s office, but the stressors likely started back in November when Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s administration was littered with federal subpoenas regarding its hiring practices. This week’s string of media reports (see here and here) has potentially poked deeper holes in the administration’s carefully construed public perception protection plan. The articles about his administration keeping a list of people who were referred to state jobs by political insiders can be confusing, so let’s consider some of the basics.
The governor’s administration is subject to a personnel code that spells out rules for hiring practices. Civil service jobs make up most of the positions, and there are 28 exceptions to the rules (scroll down to section 4c to see the exemptions). For example, Daniel Stralka, executive director of the Illinois Civil Service Commission, says university jobs are exempt because universities have their own set of rules. Similarly, private secretaries for agency directors are exempt from having to take an exam, one of the steps to ensure state employees are qualified for their positions (scroll down to section 4d in the personnel code for partial exemptions).
David Morrison, deputy director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform helped explain the distinction between jobs that are exempt and jobs that are not. “The rule of thumb would be if you’re in a front-line, [policy] implementing position, then you want to be protected from political influence,” he said. “If you’re in a position where you would be seen as speaking on behalf of a political person, then there’s more of a reason for [you] to be affiliated with the political person.”
He said the courts have exempted people who represent public officials, such as a spokesperson. “Courts have said it’s logical that [a state officer] would want to hire someone who knew them, who wasn’t necessarily a civil servant or who scored highest on the exams, but was trusted to do the right thing,” Morrison said.
As far as political insiders recommending their friends or family members for state jobs, Stralka noted the words “employee sponsors” never appear in the personnel code. Federal prosecutors might have more to say about that one sooner rather than later.
Want more background? The Illinois Campaign for Political Reform offers more information about the cost of political corruption and what to do about it.
Pay to Play?
Another “pay to play” allegation is scheduled to come Friday morning, when a national group, called Consejo de Latinos Unidos (Council of United Latinos), holds a press conference in the state Capitol. The group intends to outline allegations that the Illinois Hospital Association has traded political favors with the governor’s office and the Illinois Department of Revenue. K.B. Forbes, executive director of Consejo de Latinos Unidos, said the Illinois Hospital Association’s $250,000 in campaign donations over the last two years were “greasing the governor to get political favors out of him.” (Although, the Illinois Hospital Association had donated to people of both parties. You can check donations at the Illinois State Board of Election’s Campaign Disclosure site.) Forbes said his group battles hospital price gauging. He connected political favors, such as ensuring not-for-profit hospitals have tax-exempt status, with civil rights abuses that mostly impact Latinos and other minorities, who are more likely to lack health insurance.
The Illinois Hospital Association said there is no connection whatsoever between campaign donations and political favors. “Obviously, we think that’s ridiculous, unfounded,” said spokesman Danny Chun. “We have a long history of supporting candidates who support the goal of universal and continuous access to health care coverage.”
He also disregarded the allegation that not-for-profit hospitals abuse minorities’ civil rights. “Hospitals in Illinois are the healthcare safety net for the uninsured,” Chun said. “You walk into a hospital anywhere in this state, you will be treated regardless of your ability to pay, your insurance status, [or] your ethnic background.”
The governor’s administration is subject to a personnel code that spells out rules for hiring practices. Civil service jobs make up most of the positions, and there are 28 exceptions to the rules (scroll down to section 4c to see the exemptions). For example, Daniel Stralka, executive director of the Illinois Civil Service Commission, says university jobs are exempt because universities have their own set of rules. Similarly, private secretaries for agency directors are exempt from having to take an exam, one of the steps to ensure state employees are qualified for their positions (scroll down to section 4d in the personnel code for partial exemptions).
David Morrison, deputy director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform helped explain the distinction between jobs that are exempt and jobs that are not. “The rule of thumb would be if you’re in a front-line, [policy] implementing position, then you want to be protected from political influence,” he said. “If you’re in a position where you would be seen as speaking on behalf of a political person, then there’s more of a reason for [you] to be affiliated with the political person.”
He said the courts have exempted people who represent public officials, such as a spokesperson. “Courts have said it’s logical that [a state officer] would want to hire someone who knew them, who wasn’t necessarily a civil servant or who scored highest on the exams, but was trusted to do the right thing,” Morrison said.
As far as political insiders recommending their friends or family members for state jobs, Stralka noted the words “employee sponsors” never appear in the personnel code. Federal prosecutors might have more to say about that one sooner rather than later.
Want more background? The Illinois Campaign for Political Reform offers more information about the cost of political corruption and what to do about it.
Pay to Play?
Another “pay to play” allegation is scheduled to come Friday morning, when a national group, called Consejo de Latinos Unidos (Council of United Latinos), holds a press conference in the state Capitol. The group intends to outline allegations that the Illinois Hospital Association has traded political favors with the governor’s office and the Illinois Department of Revenue. K.B. Forbes, executive director of Consejo de Latinos Unidos, said the Illinois Hospital Association’s $250,000 in campaign donations over the last two years were “greasing the governor to get political favors out of him.” (Although, the Illinois Hospital Association had donated to people of both parties. You can check donations at the Illinois State Board of Election’s Campaign Disclosure site.) Forbes said his group battles hospital price gauging. He connected political favors, such as ensuring not-for-profit hospitals have tax-exempt status, with civil rights abuses that mostly impact Latinos and other minorities, who are more likely to lack health insurance.
The Illinois Hospital Association said there is no connection whatsoever between campaign donations and political favors. “Obviously, we think that’s ridiculous, unfounded,” said spokesman Danny Chun. “We have a long history of supporting candidates who support the goal of universal and continuous access to health care coverage.”
He also disregarded the allegation that not-for-profit hospitals abuse minorities’ civil rights. “Hospitals in Illinois are the healthcare safety net for the uninsured,” Chun said. “You walk into a hospital anywhere in this state, you will be treated regardless of your ability to pay, your insurance status, [or] your ethnic background.”
Wednesday, May 17, 2006
Buckle up
State legislators will soon start talking about another way to bring fast cash to Illinois - privatizing the state's tollways. Indiana lawmakers approved the idea this spring.
State Sen. Jeff Schoenberg, an Evanston Democrat, said the Senate Appropriations II Committee will hold four hearings this summer:
1. Chicago, 9:30 a.m. Wednesday, May 31
2. Will County, June 13
3. Springfield, August 15
4. Chicago, September 13
More to come from Illinois Issues soon.
State Sen. Jeff Schoenberg, an Evanston Democrat, said the Senate Appropriations II Committee will hold four hearings this summer:
1. Chicago, 9:30 a.m. Wednesday, May 31
2. Will County, June 13
3. Springfield, August 15
4. Chicago, September 13
More to come from Illinois Issues soon.
Monday, May 15, 2006
Pick your poison
Chicago politicians have had a tough week battling public perception, and it’s only Monday.
Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s main re-election platform made the spotlight again when the Sun-Times reported the state’s new All Kids health insurance program awarded a major contract to McKesson Health Solutions. The company is reportedly represented by a Chicago lobbying firm, Advanced Practical Solutions, led by Blagojevich’s top political fund-raiser, Milan Petrovic.
The Associated Press updated readers about the state’s lapse in more than 200 leases, something Illinois Issues wrote about in November 2005. The news is not just that the state is wasting millions of dollars while it decides which contracts to renew, but AP’s analysis also says Central Management Services has renewed more leases with landlords who have contributed to Democratic candidates than with landlords who have contributed to Republican candidates. CMS denies any political favoritism.
Monday also marked the first day of the corruption trial of Chicago City Council’s hiring practices, which prosecutors allege have benefited Mayor Richard Daley’s political operations, according to the Chicago Tribune.
Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s main re-election platform made the spotlight again when the Sun-Times reported the state’s new All Kids health insurance program awarded a major contract to McKesson Health Solutions. The company is reportedly represented by a Chicago lobbying firm, Advanced Practical Solutions, led by Blagojevich’s top political fund-raiser, Milan Petrovic.
The Associated Press updated readers about the state’s lapse in more than 200 leases, something Illinois Issues wrote about in November 2005. The news is not just that the state is wasting millions of dollars while it decides which contracts to renew, but AP’s analysis also says Central Management Services has renewed more leases with landlords who have contributed to Democratic candidates than with landlords who have contributed to Republican candidates. CMS denies any political favoritism.
Monday also marked the first day of the corruption trial of Chicago City Council’s hiring practices, which prosecutors allege have benefited Mayor Richard Daley’s political operations, according to the Chicago Tribune.
Friday, May 12, 2006
State employees fired
Two state employees have been fired after a year-long investigation into the hiring practices of the state’s main administrative agency, Central Management Services. The agency director, Dawn DeFraties, and her deputy, Michael Casey, were fired for allegedly fudging 28 applications for civil service jobs. That made the applicants more likely to be hired even if they weren’t qualified. Not all of the 28 people were hired, according to a governor’s spokeswoman, Abby Ottenhoff.
In a Chicago press conference Monday, John Harris, the governor’s chief of staff, and Bill Quinlan, chief counsel to the governor, said the investigation started when the state brought in a consultant to help streamline operations. The consultant reported several irregularities, which made their way up to the state’s independent inspector general.
The governor’s office also hired a law firm to take a broader look at the entire hiring process, which is ongoing, Ottenhoff said.
Findings were turned over to the U.S. Attorney’s office, with investigations still pending. “There could be potential criminal activity, which is for the attorney general’s office to decide,” Quinlan said.
Both employees have appealed.
In a Chicago press conference Monday, John Harris, the governor’s chief of staff, and Bill Quinlan, chief counsel to the governor, said the investigation started when the state brought in a consultant to help streamline operations. The consultant reported several irregularities, which made their way up to the state’s independent inspector general.
The governor’s office also hired a law firm to take a broader look at the entire hiring process, which is ongoing, Ottenhoff said.
Findings were turned over to the U.S. Attorney’s office, with investigations still pending. “There could be potential criminal activity, which is for the attorney general’s office to decide,” Quinlan said.
Both employees have appealed.
Thursday, May 04, 2006
School's out for summer
The Senate approved next year’s state budget at about 10 p.m. Thursday.
Leading up to the vote, Senate Republicans echoed the concerns heard in House debate one day prior. They cited record-high pension liabilities, Medicaid backlogs and fund diversions as reasons this budget would doom the state for year’s to come. They also said it’s a Democratic budget because it passed without one Republican vote.
Democrats defended the budget saying it's good for middle-class families and those who are left behind by federal programs, such as veterans. They also said this budget and another supporting measure will help doctors, pharmacists and long-term care facilities get reimbursed from the state quicker for caring for Medicaid patients. That’s true, but the best-case scenario would only reduce the payment cycle to an average of 55 days. Not too comforting for people waiting for thousands of dollars to pay their own bills.
In any case, both chambers adjourned until November 14 and wished everyone a happy, six-month summer.
Leading up to the vote, Senate Republicans echoed the concerns heard in House debate one day prior. They cited record-high pension liabilities, Medicaid backlogs and fund diversions as reasons this budget would doom the state for year’s to come. They also said it’s a Democratic budget because it passed without one Republican vote.
Democrats defended the budget saying it's good for middle-class families and those who are left behind by federal programs, such as veterans. They also said this budget and another supporting measure will help doctors, pharmacists and long-term care facilities get reimbursed from the state quicker for caring for Medicaid patients. That’s true, but the best-case scenario would only reduce the payment cycle to an average of 55 days. Not too comforting for people waiting for thousands of dollars to pay their own bills.
In any case, both chambers adjourned until November 14 and wished everyone a happy, six-month summer.
Interesting 45 minutes
There was a lot of hurry up and wait in the Capitol Thursday, as lawmakers tried to smooth out wrinkles in the pending budget. But one 45-minute scene from the Senate chambers was particularly telling about the whacky day, which got even better shortly before 5 p.m. when the House adjourned for the summer.
Picture this: Around 3 p.m., students sat in the Senate gallery overlooking the Senate floor. The words they heard probably didn’t mean much to them, and the people they saw buzz below probably didn’t seem peculiar to them. Little did they know …
What they heard: They heard the words, “horse racing,” “tax,” “river boats,” and “10th license.” All of that had to do with a bill involved in tying up the budget. What the senators were voting on – and ultimately passed – was to shave off 3 percent of casino profits to help the struggling horse racing industry stay afloat (horse tracks were supposed to get 15 percent of the gross profits of the state’s 10th casino, but that 10th license has been tied up in legal battles and sitting dormant). The newest measure took three tries to get approved by the House, and it allegedly only passed in the Senate this time around because a late amendment added a two-year sunset. The Democratic lawmakers who opposed the 3 percent tax said any excess casino profits should go into the state’s main checkbook, not be used to help a private, ailing industry. The opposition also didn’t like that the horse tracks would stand to further profit from casinos when a dormant, 10th riverboat license escaped from legal peril. The House later passed the same version of the bill, sending it to the governor.
What they saw: This is where it gets even more indicative of a budget agreement and the end of session. In the midst of the horse racing debate, Latino Caucus members huddled, a few here, a few there. What was telling was that one member, Sen. Miguel del Valle, was not on the floor. He was reportedly in the governor’s office negotiating a few sticky points in the budget. As we told you before, the Latino Caucus (mostly the Senate members) was unhappy with the budget and had enough votes to prevent the budget from passing. Then House Speaker Michael Madigan appeared (he leads the House chamber, not the Senate). Madigan worked his way around the Senate chamber and talked to a few Latino Caucus members along with some others. He listened to them, nodded, and patted some on the back before moving on to the next person. He left, but not before Sen. Minority Leader Frank Watson stood in line to talk to the speaker. That would have been one of the only times he truly met with the speaker face to face during budget talks. Neither he nor House Minority Leader Tom Cross has been invited to the closed-door meetings with Democratic leaders and the governor.
Little did the students in the balcony realize that they were watching the highly anticipated closing moments of the spring session. They unknowingly saw energy build around how the state makes money, shifts money and negotiates how to spend that money. Welcome to government and politics in Illinois, kids.
The Senate could vote on the budget tonight. Stay tuned.
Picture this: Around 3 p.m., students sat in the Senate gallery overlooking the Senate floor. The words they heard probably didn’t mean much to them, and the people they saw buzz below probably didn’t seem peculiar to them. Little did they know …
What they heard: They heard the words, “horse racing,” “tax,” “river boats,” and “10th license.” All of that had to do with a bill involved in tying up the budget. What the senators were voting on – and ultimately passed – was to shave off 3 percent of casino profits to help the struggling horse racing industry stay afloat (horse tracks were supposed to get 15 percent of the gross profits of the state’s 10th casino, but that 10th license has been tied up in legal battles and sitting dormant). The newest measure took three tries to get approved by the House, and it allegedly only passed in the Senate this time around because a late amendment added a two-year sunset. The Democratic lawmakers who opposed the 3 percent tax said any excess casino profits should go into the state’s main checkbook, not be used to help a private, ailing industry. The opposition also didn’t like that the horse tracks would stand to further profit from casinos when a dormant, 10th riverboat license escaped from legal peril. The House later passed the same version of the bill, sending it to the governor.
What they saw: This is where it gets even more indicative of a budget agreement and the end of session. In the midst of the horse racing debate, Latino Caucus members huddled, a few here, a few there. What was telling was that one member, Sen. Miguel del Valle, was not on the floor. He was reportedly in the governor’s office negotiating a few sticky points in the budget. As we told you before, the Latino Caucus (mostly the Senate members) was unhappy with the budget and had enough votes to prevent the budget from passing. Then House Speaker Michael Madigan appeared (he leads the House chamber, not the Senate). Madigan worked his way around the Senate chamber and talked to a few Latino Caucus members along with some others. He listened to them, nodded, and patted some on the back before moving on to the next person. He left, but not before Sen. Minority Leader Frank Watson stood in line to talk to the speaker. That would have been one of the only times he truly met with the speaker face to face during budget talks. Neither he nor House Minority Leader Tom Cross has been invited to the closed-door meetings with Democratic leaders and the governor.
Little did the students in the balcony realize that they were watching the highly anticipated closing moments of the spring session. They unknowingly saw energy build around how the state makes money, shifts money and negotiates how to spend that money. Welcome to government and politics in Illinois, kids.
The Senate could vote on the budget tonight. Stay tuned.
Wednesday, May 03, 2006
House passes budget
Rep. Edward Acevedo pushed the “yes” button along with every the other House Democrat to pass next year’s budget – without their Republican counterparts. Last night, Acevedo said a lot could change and needed to change before 8 a.m. for him to support the budget. Apparently, that happened. The Chicago Democrat said he and the Latino Caucus met with the governor's office late Tuesday night to ensure the budget contained money for community-based programs, such as the Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights. He said the programs made the cut, allowing him to vote "yes" and send the budget to the Senate.
Here's a recap of some programs that would benefit from about $55 billion in spending:
- Education: universal preschool, college tuition grants, and nurses' scholarships
- Corrections: more prison guards, methamphetamine addiction treatment centers and state police cars
- Health care: veterans' and children's health insurance, and some (emphasize some) Medicaid bill relief
- Environment: water conservation and renewable fuels
- Other: telecommunications (see "The new digital divide" in Illinois Issues May issue) and minority jobs
The state will partially pay for the programs by banking on higher-than-expected tax revenues, sweeping hundreds of dedicated funds, taxing some more businesses, phasing out some tax credits and programs, reducing state employee headcount and attracting more federal matching dollars.
The four-hour-plus “debate” allowed Republicans to object to and question numerous parts of the budget, which they said will result in the following:
- A more than $1 billion shortfall in the amount the state should pay into public pension systems
- A nearly $2 billion backlog of Medicaid payments
- More than $1 billion increase in spending. Of that spending, they calculated $800 million would be dedicated to “mysterious” pork projects and $1.6 billion obligated to pay debt.
To point out the budget’s shortsightedness, House Minority Leader Tom Cross of Oswego cited Illinois’ poor financial rating. He also said the pork-laden budget spelled out that this is election year. Rep. Dave Winters, a Shirland Republican, called the budget shameless and “a champagne and caviar budget.” Republicans repeatedly said they had not been invited to any budget negotiations since February, shedding themselves of any blame for obstructing the process.
Rep. Gary Hannig, the chief Democrat budget negotiator, closed the debate by acknowledging two criticisms: “You're spending a whole lot of money that you don't have … Then you're not spending enough on schools, prisons and social services.” He said because arguments fall on both sides, the budget negotiators succeeded in striking a compromise. “We found just that level of funding that actually makes this budget work.”
Update: The Senate is expected to vote on the budget Thursday. Stay tuned.
Here's a recap of some programs that would benefit from about $55 billion in spending:
- Education: universal preschool, college tuition grants, and nurses' scholarships
- Corrections: more prison guards, methamphetamine addiction treatment centers and state police cars
- Health care: veterans' and children's health insurance, and some (emphasize some) Medicaid bill relief
- Environment: water conservation and renewable fuels
- Other: telecommunications (see "The new digital divide" in Illinois Issues May issue) and minority jobs
The state will partially pay for the programs by banking on higher-than-expected tax revenues, sweeping hundreds of dedicated funds, taxing some more businesses, phasing out some tax credits and programs, reducing state employee headcount and attracting more federal matching dollars.
The four-hour-plus “debate” allowed Republicans to object to and question numerous parts of the budget, which they said will result in the following:
- A more than $1 billion shortfall in the amount the state should pay into public pension systems
- A nearly $2 billion backlog of Medicaid payments
- More than $1 billion increase in spending. Of that spending, they calculated $800 million would be dedicated to “mysterious” pork projects and $1.6 billion obligated to pay debt.
To point out the budget’s shortsightedness, House Minority Leader Tom Cross of Oswego cited Illinois’ poor financial rating. He also said the pork-laden budget spelled out that this is election year. Rep. Dave Winters, a Shirland Republican, called the budget shameless and “a champagne and caviar budget.” Republicans repeatedly said they had not been invited to any budget negotiations since February, shedding themselves of any blame for obstructing the process.
Rep. Gary Hannig, the chief Democrat budget negotiator, closed the debate by acknowledging two criticisms: “You're spending a whole lot of money that you don't have … Then you're not spending enough on schools, prisons and social services.” He said because arguments fall on both sides, the budget negotiators succeeded in striking a compromise. “We found just that level of funding that actually makes this budget work.”
Update: The Senate is expected to vote on the budget Thursday. Stay tuned.
Tuesday, May 02, 2006
Not all on board
The Latino caucus would push the “no” button if the budget were called for a vote as it stood Tuesday evening. Democratic Rep. Edward Acevedo told me the budget proposal lacks money for community-based programs that are important to his Chicago constituents. He’s not totally on board with the tuition tax credit agreement, either.
Instead of offering $1,000 tuition tax credits for college students who receive good grades, the compromise would allow middle-income families (those who make less than $200,000 a year) to receive a one-year, $500 grant to pay for students’ tuition and fees. The money to pay for the program is contingent on the sale of student loans currently held by the Illinois Student Assistance Commission.
Acevedo said although other education items on his wish list were worked out, he’s watching out for the City of Chicago in the current tuition compromise. As is, he says, “You’re helping the middle class, you’re helping the poor, you’re helping the rich because it doesn’t say you have to make a certain amount of income. Anybody can get that tax credit. We’re more inclined to vote for something that will help low-income families instead of families across the board.”
The House could take a vote on the budget Wednesday morning. You can take a closer look at some separate budget pieces in the following links:
- The education budget
- The finance budget, which includes a list of fund sweeps (one of the major revenue sources for the rest of the spending programs)
- The human services budget
Instead of offering $1,000 tuition tax credits for college students who receive good grades, the compromise would allow middle-income families (those who make less than $200,000 a year) to receive a one-year, $500 grant to pay for students’ tuition and fees. The money to pay for the program is contingent on the sale of student loans currently held by the Illinois Student Assistance Commission.
Acevedo said although other education items on his wish list were worked out, he’s watching out for the City of Chicago in the current tuition compromise. As is, he says, “You’re helping the middle class, you’re helping the poor, you’re helping the rich because it doesn’t say you have to make a certain amount of income. Anybody can get that tax credit. We’re more inclined to vote for something that will help low-income families instead of families across the board.”
The House could take a vote on the budget Wednesday morning. You can take a closer look at some separate budget pieces in the following links:
- The education budget
- The finance budget, which includes a list of fund sweeps (one of the major revenue sources for the rest of the spending programs)
- The human services budget
Not all on board
The Latino caucus would push the “no” button if the budget were called for a vote on the House floor as proposed Monday. Democratic Rep. Edward Acevedo told me the budget proposal lacks money for community-based programs that are important to his Chicago constituents. He’s not totally on board with the tuition tax credit agreement, either.
Instead of offering $1,000 tuition tax credits for college students who receive good grades, the compromise would allow middle-income families (those who make less than $200,000 a year) to receive a one-year, $500 grant to pay for students’ tuition and fees. The money to pay for the program is contingent on the sale of student loans currently held by the Illinois Student Assistance Commission.
Acevedo said although other education items on his wish list were worked out, he’s watching out for the city of Chicago in the current tuition compromise. As is, he says, “You’re helping the middle class, you’re helping the poor, you’re helping the rich because it doesn’t say you have to make a certain amount of income. Anybody can get that tax credit. We’re more inclined to vote for something that will help low-income families instead of families across the board.”
The House could take a vote on the budget Wednesday morning. You can take a closer look at some of the separate budget pieces by looking at the following:
- The education budget
- The finance budget with list of fund sweeps (Scroll down to page 61 to see the start of the special fund transfers, one of the major revenue sources for the rest of the spending programs)
- The human services budget
Instead of offering $1,000 tuition tax credits for college students who receive good grades, the compromise would allow middle-income families (those who make less than $200,000 a year) to receive a one-year, $500 grant to pay for students’ tuition and fees. The money to pay for the program is contingent on the sale of student loans currently held by the Illinois Student Assistance Commission.
Acevedo said although other education items on his wish list were worked out, he’s watching out for the city of Chicago in the current tuition compromise. As is, he says, “You’re helping the middle class, you’re helping the poor, you’re helping the rich because it doesn’t say you have to make a certain amount of income. Anybody can get that tax credit. We’re more inclined to vote for something that will help low-income families instead of families across the board.”
The House could take a vote on the budget Wednesday morning. You can take a closer look at some of the separate budget pieces by looking at the following:
- The education budget
- The finance budget with list of fund sweeps (Scroll down to page 61 to see the start of the special fund transfers, one of the major revenue sources for the rest of the spending programs)
- The human services budget
Monday, May 01, 2006
Budget proposed
A Democratic budget proposal became available online Monday afternoon, meaning lawmakers could take a vote by the end of this week. It also means Democrats would be able to pass the budget before the Constitutional deadline of May 31 - without Republican votes.
Some of the governor’s spending programs made the cut:
- $10 million for class size reduction (see ”Crowded classrooms” in Illinois Issues May edition).
- $1.5 million for nursing schools to increase the number of graduating nurses, as well as $1.3 million for nurses to become faculty
- $500,000 in scholarships for forensic science students to graduate and perform DNA testing for the Illinois State Police
- $1 million for a pilot program to increase access to broadband Internet services in rural areas and another $5 million to develop infrastructure for high-speed Internet (see "The new digital divide” in Illinois Issues May edition).
- Watch for updates on the governor’s idea to offer a $90-million tuition tax credit for college students who earn good grades, as well as his $45-million proposal to offer universal preschool.
Lawmakers will debate the budget Tuesday. Stay tuned for how lawmakers expect to pay for the new programs.
Some of the governor’s spending programs made the cut:
- $10 million for class size reduction (see ”Crowded classrooms” in Illinois Issues May edition).
- $1.5 million for nursing schools to increase the number of graduating nurses, as well as $1.3 million for nurses to become faculty
- $500,000 in scholarships for forensic science students to graduate and perform DNA testing for the Illinois State Police
- $1 million for a pilot program to increase access to broadband Internet services in rural areas and another $5 million to develop infrastructure for high-speed Internet (see "The new digital divide” in Illinois Issues May edition).
- Watch for updates on the governor’s idea to offer a $90-million tuition tax credit for college students who earn good grades, as well as his $45-million proposal to offer universal preschool.
Lawmakers will debate the budget Tuesday. Stay tuned for how lawmakers expect to pay for the new programs.
Wednesday, April 26, 2006
Closer ... but ...
There’s likely an agreement on the governor’s college tuition tax credit, but there’s no telling whether a slew of pet projects will prevent the overall budget from being ready next week.
The three top Democratic leaders finished their third consecutive week of budget negotiations. This afternoon, Sen. President Emil Jones gave promising comments about getting closer, but how close, he said, depends on whom you’re talking to. “There’s a few minor issues that we’re trying to get taken care of.”
One item that he said has been settled is a version of the governor’s tax credit for college students. The original $90-million idea was to give $1,000 tax credits to families of college freshmen and sophomores who earn at least a “B” average. Jones said the plan would be a “hybrid” of tax credits and state grants, but details about the income eligibility will be announced “at the right time.”
He did say adjourning next week is possible. Budget staffers will continue to meet, but the House won't be back until 4 p.m. Monday. The Senate won't get back to business until Tuesday.
The anything-can-happen attitude was echoed by House Majority Leader Barbara Flynn Currie. Her promising sentence was capped off with a “but” and a courtesy smile that hinted she wouldn’t bet her money on it.
“The question is whether all the members are satisfied, and you never can tell,” she said. “Usually what happens is, you think everything’s all set, signed, sealed and delivered, and then there’s some kind of blowup that no one anticipated. I wouldn’t be surprised if that happened, and that’s why I’m not making any prediction that we’re out of here on Thursday.”
Republican Rep. David Reis pointed out the closer session gets to the Constitutional deadline of May 31, the more likely budget negotiators are to tighten their belts. He predicted a longer session would cause House Speaker Michael Madigan to apply pressure for Democrats to whittle down their wish lists. Otherwise, if May 31 comes and the budget needs a three-fifths majority to pass, they won’t get all their pet projects.
“He’s playing politics. We’re playing out the clock,” the Republican said.
The three top Democratic leaders finished their third consecutive week of budget negotiations. This afternoon, Sen. President Emil Jones gave promising comments about getting closer, but how close, he said, depends on whom you’re talking to. “There’s a few minor issues that we’re trying to get taken care of.”
One item that he said has been settled is a version of the governor’s tax credit for college students. The original $90-million idea was to give $1,000 tax credits to families of college freshmen and sophomores who earn at least a “B” average. Jones said the plan would be a “hybrid” of tax credits and state grants, but details about the income eligibility will be announced “at the right time.”
He did say adjourning next week is possible. Budget staffers will continue to meet, but the House won't be back until 4 p.m. Monday. The Senate won't get back to business until Tuesday.
The anything-can-happen attitude was echoed by House Majority Leader Barbara Flynn Currie. Her promising sentence was capped off with a “but” and a courtesy smile that hinted she wouldn’t bet her money on it.
“The question is whether all the members are satisfied, and you never can tell,” she said. “Usually what happens is, you think everything’s all set, signed, sealed and delivered, and then there’s some kind of blowup that no one anticipated. I wouldn’t be surprised if that happened, and that’s why I’m not making any prediction that we’re out of here on Thursday.”
Republican Rep. David Reis pointed out the closer session gets to the Constitutional deadline of May 31, the more likely budget negotiators are to tighten their belts. He predicted a longer session would cause House Speaker Michael Madigan to apply pressure for Democrats to whittle down their wish lists. Otherwise, if May 31 comes and the budget needs a three-fifths majority to pass, they won’t get all their pet projects.
“He’s playing politics. We’re playing out the clock,” the Republican said.
Tuesday, April 25, 2006
Repeat offenses
The state agency that is supposed to reduce bureaucracy again has been cited for mismanaging state contracts and failing to provide proof of estimated savings.
Today, Auditor General William Holland issued his most recent audit of Central Management Services, the agency that oversees the state’s communications, property management and employees’ insurance benefits. Continuing a three-year trend, this audit echoes concerns about the way Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s administration awards contracts. For example, Illinois Issues cited the same concerns in an article one year ago. (See our February 2005 issue.)
The most recent audit of Central Management Services reviews fiscal year 2005, which ended last June 30. Some findings are repeat offenses from the previous year’s audit, which led Holland to report the findings to higher authorities for further investigation.
A primary concerns this time around includes the impact of allowing companies to start projects before contracts were formally filed with the state. “Oversight and public accountability is compromised when large amounts of work are performed and costs incurred before the public is made aware of the specifics of a contract,” the audit says. One vendor had been working six months before the contract was filed with the comptroller’s office.
Another potential hit to public confidence came with the finding, “No documentation was maintained to indicate that a possible conflict of interest was reviewed and resolved.”
One the concerns could even impact next year’s state budget, which is still under negotiation among Democrats. The governor often cites estimated savings as a way to pay for new programs, but auditors said the department lacks documentation to verify the amount the state could save.
The department reported that it agreed with the findings and has made improvements.
Today, Auditor General William Holland issued his most recent audit of Central Management Services, the agency that oversees the state’s communications, property management and employees’ insurance benefits. Continuing a three-year trend, this audit echoes concerns about the way Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s administration awards contracts. For example, Illinois Issues cited the same concerns in an article one year ago. (See our February 2005 issue.)
The most recent audit of Central Management Services reviews fiscal year 2005, which ended last June 30. Some findings are repeat offenses from the previous year’s audit, which led Holland to report the findings to higher authorities for further investigation.
A primary concerns this time around includes the impact of allowing companies to start projects before contracts were formally filed with the state. “Oversight and public accountability is compromised when large amounts of work are performed and costs incurred before the public is made aware of the specifics of a contract,” the audit says. One vendor had been working six months before the contract was filed with the comptroller’s office.
Another potential hit to public confidence came with the finding, “No documentation was maintained to indicate that a possible conflict of interest was reviewed and resolved.”
One the concerns could even impact next year’s state budget, which is still under negotiation among Democrats. The governor often cites estimated savings as a way to pay for new programs, but auditors said the department lacks documentation to verify the amount the state could save.
The department reported that it agreed with the findings and has made improvements.
Wednesday, April 19, 2006
Playing politics with money
Rep. Ron Stephens, a Greenville Republican, repeatedly compared the state’s budget to a sinking ship and a half loaf of bread Wednesday. During a House committee meeting, he raised his voice, pounded his fists and utilized a series of quips, but his soliloquies didn’t stop the bill from advancing without GOP support.
Stephens was responding to a Democratic bill that would release $250 million in state funds, which would be doubled by federal matching dollars, to ease backlogged Medicaid payments. The money would be split among hospitals, pharmacists and long-term care facilities. Right now, those Medicaid providers are waiting an average of 77 days for state reimbursement.
Rep. Jay Hoffman, the Collinsville Democrat sponsoring the measure, said the bill would reduce the payment cycle by 23 days for the rest of the fiscal year, which only has two-and-a-half months left. Yet, he said the state has about $1.7 billion in Medicaid bills that carried over from last year. In other words, the $500 million that would be put into the Medicaid system through Hoffman’s bill would be a Band-Aid to cover a deep wound.
Hoffman’s bill resembles this year’s budget negotiations - exclusively Democratic and politically ripe for campaign material. It’s also controversial because it would take $250 million from hundreds of dedicated funds (fund sweeps) and fees that agencies pay into the state’s main checkbook (administrative chargebacks). Two years ago, both parties voted to allow the governor to take money from the special funds, but some of the money has been held since by state Treasurer Judy Baar Topinka, who happens to be Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s opponent in November.
Martin Noven, Topinka’s deputy chief of staff for law and policy, said the fund sweeps are unconstitutional. He said the General Assembly, not the governor, should decide which funds and how much to sweep. He said if the General Assembly approved the specific funds and the amount to be swept, then the treasurer would oblige. Hoffman’s bill would do that. If both chambers passed the same version of the bill, Noven said the treasurer would release the money.
The House isn’t scheduled to meet again until Tuesday, April 25. The full Senate might not return until a week later, May 2. In the meantime, Medicaid providers wait, and wait and wait.
Stephens was responding to a Democratic bill that would release $250 million in state funds, which would be doubled by federal matching dollars, to ease backlogged Medicaid payments. The money would be split among hospitals, pharmacists and long-term care facilities. Right now, those Medicaid providers are waiting an average of 77 days for state reimbursement.
Rep. Jay Hoffman, the Collinsville Democrat sponsoring the measure, said the bill would reduce the payment cycle by 23 days for the rest of the fiscal year, which only has two-and-a-half months left. Yet, he said the state has about $1.7 billion in Medicaid bills that carried over from last year. In other words, the $500 million that would be put into the Medicaid system through Hoffman’s bill would be a Band-Aid to cover a deep wound.
Hoffman’s bill resembles this year’s budget negotiations - exclusively Democratic and politically ripe for campaign material. It’s also controversial because it would take $250 million from hundreds of dedicated funds (fund sweeps) and fees that agencies pay into the state’s main checkbook (administrative chargebacks). Two years ago, both parties voted to allow the governor to take money from the special funds, but some of the money has been held since by state Treasurer Judy Baar Topinka, who happens to be Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s opponent in November.
Martin Noven, Topinka’s deputy chief of staff for law and policy, said the fund sweeps are unconstitutional. He said the General Assembly, not the governor, should decide which funds and how much to sweep. He said if the General Assembly approved the specific funds and the amount to be swept, then the treasurer would oblige. Hoffman’s bill would do that. If both chambers passed the same version of the bill, Noven said the treasurer would release the money.
The House isn’t scheduled to meet again until Tuesday, April 25. The full Senate might not return until a week later, May 2. In the meantime, Medicaid providers wait, and wait and wait.
Monday, April 17, 2006
Scandal fatigue
A federal jury found former Gov. George Ryan, a Kankakee Republican, guilty of using public office for personal gain during his tenure as secretary of state and then as governor. Some think it’s a black eye for state government. Others think it’s a golden nugget of opportunity to kick Republicans while they’re down.
The political spin doesn’t do anything positive for voters when they enter the polls this November. “Neither party has any high ground in the upcoming election,” says House Minority Leader Tom Cross of Oswego, “and I don’t say that in a good way.”
Kent Redfield, political science professor at the University of Illinois at Springfield, said voters have “scandal fatigue” and are turned off by such mudslinging.
Yet, lo and behold, the Ryan verdict made conditions ripe for politicians to connect the dots between previous scandals and current candidates.
Right after the verdict was announced Monday afternoon, Democratic Gov. Rod Blagojevich issued a prepared statement. Although he didn’t mention state Treasurer Judy Baar Topinka as his GOP opponent, he painted the existing Republican officeholders as continuing Ryan’s corrupt administration.
Topinka’s prepared statement avoided mentioning Blagojevich, but said it’s time to restore public trust. “We can begin that process by ending pay-to-play politics, eliminating no-bid contracts, restricting the influence of lobbyists, and increasing transparency in political campaigns and the business of government. Most importantly, we can lead by example in promoting a culture in Illinois that celebrates accountability, openness, and the truth.”
Let’s see if anyone can actually do that, for the voters’ sakes.
The political spin doesn’t do anything positive for voters when they enter the polls this November. “Neither party has any high ground in the upcoming election,” says House Minority Leader Tom Cross of Oswego, “and I don’t say that in a good way.”
Kent Redfield, political science professor at the University of Illinois at Springfield, said voters have “scandal fatigue” and are turned off by such mudslinging.
Yet, lo and behold, the Ryan verdict made conditions ripe for politicians to connect the dots between previous scandals and current candidates.
Right after the verdict was announced Monday afternoon, Democratic Gov. Rod Blagojevich issued a prepared statement. Although he didn’t mention state Treasurer Judy Baar Topinka as his GOP opponent, he painted the existing Republican officeholders as continuing Ryan’s corrupt administration.
Topinka’s prepared statement avoided mentioning Blagojevich, but said it’s time to restore public trust. “We can begin that process by ending pay-to-play politics, eliminating no-bid contracts, restricting the influence of lobbyists, and increasing transparency in political campaigns and the business of government. Most importantly, we can lead by example in promoting a culture in Illinois that celebrates accountability, openness, and the truth.”
Let’s see if anyone can actually do that, for the voters’ sakes.
Wednesday, April 12, 2006
No joking matter
House Minority Leader Tom Cross began Wednesday’s brief day of business with a question about what was going on with the legislative schedule. The previous afternoon, the Senate adjourned for two weeks while Democratic leaders could continue negotiating the budget. The meetings have excluded the Republican Party since January, but Cross said he just wanted to know how to plan for the next few weeks.
Democratic House Speaker Michael Madigan politely replied, “It’s my hope, shared by the governor and Sen. (Emil) Jones, that first week in May would be the last week. That’s our hope." In a jovial tone, he continued, “Tom, I’d like to share with you that we have spoken of your absence. We would like to have you there (in the budget meetings in the governor’s office).”
Cross, returning the lighthearted comments, hinted that his counterpart, Senate Minority Leader Frank Watson, also might like to be present in the meetings.
Flat out laughing, Madigan joked, “The governor would particularly like to have Sen. Watson in the meetings. He seems to enjoy Sen. Watson in those meetings.”
That would be an interesting dynamic, but unlikely to be productive for a budget that doesn’t need any Republican votes to pass. Democrats, meanwhile, will continue to debate how to divvy up the money. The House is expected return for two days next week, two days the last week in April, and, if needed, a few days in May, well before the Constitutional deadline of May 31.
Democratic House Speaker Michael Madigan politely replied, “It’s my hope, shared by the governor and Sen. (Emil) Jones, that first week in May would be the last week. That’s our hope." In a jovial tone, he continued, “Tom, I’d like to share with you that we have spoken of your absence. We would like to have you there (in the budget meetings in the governor’s office).”
Cross, returning the lighthearted comments, hinted that his counterpart, Senate Minority Leader Frank Watson, also might like to be present in the meetings.
Flat out laughing, Madigan joked, “The governor would particularly like to have Sen. Watson in the meetings. He seems to enjoy Sen. Watson in those meetings.”
That would be an interesting dynamic, but unlikely to be productive for a budget that doesn’t need any Republican votes to pass. Democrats, meanwhile, will continue to debate how to divvy up the money. The House is expected return for two days next week, two days the last week in April, and, if needed, a few days in May, well before the Constitutional deadline of May 31.
Tuesday, April 11, 2006
The wait just got longer
The governor can check off a few items from his to-do list, but many more remain as the Senate adjourned until Tuesday, April 25. That’s more than two weeks after the original deadline to pass next year's budget.
First, there was a $10-million pilot program to reduce classroom sizes in some schools throughout the state. It passed both chambers.
Last week, the Senate unanimously passed another $10-million plan, one to help about 7,000 uninsured veterans get health insurance and access to medical clinics. The program would start in September, if passed by the House and signed by the governor. It has yet to be called for debate in the House.
The governor's plan to help address a nursing shortage also passed the Senate with few nays. Nurse educators would receive $5,000 to help repay their student loans. The $1.3-million plan also would include more than a dozen nursing school fellowships and a nursing center that would focus on recruitment efforts. It's still waiting for debate in the House, too.
Tuesday, a House committee did approve a scaled-down version of the school construction plan without Republican votes. It resembles the Senate's doomed attempt last week. The House proposal would authorize $500 million in bonds rather than $1 billion. The new plan would still release $150 million to 23 school districts that have been put on hold since 2002, as well as start chipping away at the long list of districts that have applied for money since then. Again, there is no dedicated revenue source other than taking $40 million from the state's main checkbook each year. Without Republican support, the revised bill could just be a way for Democrats to add a politically palatable vote to their records during election season.
The real hold up, though, is between the governor and the Democratic caucuses within the two chambers. They have been in budget negotiations this afternoon. Yet, an agreement that puts aside partisan politics and settles the rest of the budget is precarious, given the latest House and Senate schedules.
First, there was a $10-million pilot program to reduce classroom sizes in some schools throughout the state. It passed both chambers.
Last week, the Senate unanimously passed another $10-million plan, one to help about 7,000 uninsured veterans get health insurance and access to medical clinics. The program would start in September, if passed by the House and signed by the governor. It has yet to be called for debate in the House.
The governor's plan to help address a nursing shortage also passed the Senate with few nays. Nurse educators would receive $5,000 to help repay their student loans. The $1.3-million plan also would include more than a dozen nursing school fellowships and a nursing center that would focus on recruitment efforts. It's still waiting for debate in the House, too.
Tuesday, a House committee did approve a scaled-down version of the school construction plan without Republican votes. It resembles the Senate's doomed attempt last week. The House proposal would authorize $500 million in bonds rather than $1 billion. The new plan would still release $150 million to 23 school districts that have been put on hold since 2002, as well as start chipping away at the long list of districts that have applied for money since then. Again, there is no dedicated revenue source other than taking $40 million from the state's main checkbook each year. Without Republican support, the revised bill could just be a way for Democrats to add a politically palatable vote to their records during election season.
The real hold up, though, is between the governor and the Democratic caucuses within the two chambers. They have been in budget negotiations this afternoon. Yet, an agreement that puts aside partisan politics and settles the rest of the budget is precarious, given the latest House and Senate schedules.
Thursday, April 06, 2006
Stalemate on construction bonds
Put another bucket under the leaky roof. Construction projects for nearly 300 schools and for numerous state roads will have to wait, at least, a little longer.
The same day lightning struck the Illinois Senate sound system, lawmakers of the high chamber crashed a budget that would pay for schools, roads, bridges and highways. The money has been locked in political debates for three years.
Thursday’s debate, although speckled with colorful quotes, felt like it spanned years. Democrats and Republicans voted along partisan lines, which caused the measures to fall a few votes short of passing. Republicans rejected the idea for two reasons: They disagreed with borrowing more than $4 billion without defining a revenue source to repay the debt, and they feared none of the money would benefit projects in their districts. Sen. John Jones, a Mount Vernon Republican, summarized the GOP argument in one sentence: “You may trust this governor on this issue, but I don’t.”
Democrats did not identify a specific revenue source, but said increased revenue from sales taxes and gas taxes would be enough to repay most of the debt.
Democrat Senate President Emil Jones spoke directly to his Republican colleagues during committee. “If you really want a revenue stream, introduce a bill with the taxes you want to raise. We feel we do not need that at this time.”
About $1 billion of the borrowing would have gone to school construction, including $148-million’s-worth of projects in 24 districts that have been delayed for three years. The borrowing would have also designated $751 million for 275 more districts that have applied for construction money since fiscal year 2003.
The second portion of the plan – for roads, bridges, highways and higher-education construction projects – would have relied on $3.8 billion in borrowing.
The same day lightning struck the Illinois Senate sound system, lawmakers of the high chamber crashed a budget that would pay for schools, roads, bridges and highways. The money has been locked in political debates for three years.
Thursday’s debate, although speckled with colorful quotes, felt like it spanned years. Democrats and Republicans voted along partisan lines, which caused the measures to fall a few votes short of passing. Republicans rejected the idea for two reasons: They disagreed with borrowing more than $4 billion without defining a revenue source to repay the debt, and they feared none of the money would benefit projects in their districts. Sen. John Jones, a Mount Vernon Republican, summarized the GOP argument in one sentence: “You may trust this governor on this issue, but I don’t.”
Democrats did not identify a specific revenue source, but said increased revenue from sales taxes and gas taxes would be enough to repay most of the debt.
Democrat Senate President Emil Jones spoke directly to his Republican colleagues during committee. “If you really want a revenue stream, introduce a bill with the taxes you want to raise. We feel we do not need that at this time.”
About $1 billion of the borrowing would have gone to school construction, including $148-million’s-worth of projects in 24 districts that have been delayed for three years. The borrowing would have also designated $751 million for 275 more districts that have applied for construction money since fiscal year 2003.
The second portion of the plan – for roads, bridges, highways and higher-education construction projects – would have relied on $3.8 billion in borrowing.
Wednesday, April 05, 2006
Governor in Springfield
Gov. Rod Blagojevich met with two Democratic leaders in the Statehouse today to discuss the delayed budget. House Speaker Michael Madigan emerged from closed doors with a smile, but nothing to share with reporters. Senate President Emil Jones came out to say they would meet again Thursday, as there are some “major items the leaders have to resolve.” He said two of the governor's education proposals are still on the table, but they may be modified. As proposed, the Democratic governor wants to offer families a $1,000 college tuition tax credit for freshmen and sophomores who earn good grades. He also wants to offer universal preschool for all 3- and 4-year-olds in the state.
Jones would not say what other major items needed to be resolved.
In short, details are slim, the budget isn't done, and the House calendar has officially added session days from now until Wednesday, April 12.
Jones would not say what other major items needed to be resolved.
In short, details are slim, the budget isn't done, and the House calendar has officially added session days from now until Wednesday, April 12.
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